Newspaper Articles

The ideology of thought control in Pakistan – By Maheen Usmani

First published in DAWN

Denial is not just a river in Egypt. It has become something of a personality cult in Pakistan. Nowhere is this cognitive dissonance more visible than amongst the educated who refuse to accept facts and logic, clinging instead to a neurotic persecution complex.

Columnist Khaled Ahmed says: “The vast majority of literate Pakistanis take comfort in ignorance, skepticism and conspiracy theories. The self-glorification of an imagined past matched by habits of national denial have assumed crisis proportions today when Pakistan’s existence is under far more serious threat from fellow Muslims than it was in 1947 from rival non Muslim communities.” What lies beneath this inability to critique and lack of intelligent analysis? Undoubtedly, one’s education influences views on politics and society. As Robert Frost aptly puts it: “education is the ability to listen to almost anything without losing your temper or your self-confidence.”

To sift the chaff from the grain, let us consider a ubiquitous slogan about the ‘ideology’ of Pakistan. A staple of our school textbooks, it echoed in massive public rallies as well as debates on secularism. Pakistan ka matlab kiya? La illaha il lallah (What is the meaning of Pakistan? There is no God but Allah) has become the rallying cry of the campaign to Islamise Pakistani society. Ironically, it is a slogan that was coined long after the creation of Pakistan, but it is now being falsely ascribed to the leaders of the Pakistan movement in 1947.

Religion has often proved to be a powerful binding factor which has merged heterogeneous groups into a distinct nationality. Through appeal to supernatural authority, religion promotes national unity as a divine command. Examples abound in contemporary history: the Greek church as a source for Greek nationalism, the Catholic church as a factor in Irish separatism, Judaism and the state of Israel, Islam and Pakistan.

Soon after he seized power in 1977, General Zia ul-Haq sought to create a nation based on religion rather than on secular principles. An important part of the Islamisation agenda was defining the Islamic ‘ideology’ of Pakistan. In stark contrast to modern textbooks, no textbook written prior to 1977 mentions the ‘Ideology of Pakistan’.

Since education was a key factor in Zia’s Machiavellian manoeuvrings, a presidential order was issued that all Pakistan Studies textbooks must “demonstrate that the basis of Pakistan is not to be founded in racial, linguistic, or geographical factors, but, rather, in the shared experience of a common religion. To get students to know and appreciate the Ideology of Pakistan, and to popularise it with slogans. To guide students towards the ultimate goal of Pakistan – the creation of a completely Islamised State.”

Instead of being a Muslim state as envisaged by its founders, Pakistan was recast in the mould of an Islamic state, where Islamic law would reign supreme. A state sponsored and systematic purging of liberal and secular values of future generations of Pakistan ensued.

History was rewritten to redefine Pakistani as an Islamic society, and no research on ancient India, the medieval period or the colonial era. Our history was linked with the Umayyad and Abbasid caliphates, thus alienating it from ancient Indian history. This interpretation creates a Muslim consciousness that seeks it’s identity outside India.
Historian Mubarak Ali cautions “History should not be influenced by religious beliefs since history has no religion. Pakistan came into being in 1947, but our history existed before this which cannot be deleted.”

History textbooks written soon after Partition – a time when the grief of shattered families who experienced communal killings was at its peak – show a more liberal mindset. The history of the subcontinent was taken to start with the ancient Indus valley civilisations rather than with the conquest of India by the first Muslim invader, Mohammad bin Qasim, in 712. In contrast to today’s history books, these books contained discussions of the empires of Emperor Ashoka and the Maurya dynasty. Has there has been a deliberate revival of communal antagonism over 30 years after Partition? Undoubtedly, the permanent militarisation of society requires a permanent enemy.

Although Edward Everett may state that “education is a better safeguard of liberty than a standing army”, the task of defending Pakistan’s ideological borders has been entrusted to the military as they are defenders of the ‘faith.’ Textbooks extol the achievements of Muslim conquering heroes, as well as those of the Armed Forces. In sharp contrast, no contributions by any heroes in fields like education, medicine, law or social work are highlighted.

September 6 commemorates the defense of the country against an Indian attack in 1965. According to our textbooks, it was India which attacked Lahore in the middle of the night, without any provocation, but our army won this war. The reality is that Pakistan started the 1965 war on August 5 by sending soldiers into Kashmir and India retaliated the following day.

Instead of the soul searching and accountability undertaken by nations like Japan and Germany after devastating wars, our history textbooks explained the separation of East Pakistan in 1971 as an evil design by India which created the guerrilla group Mukhti Bahini in order to seize Pakistani territory. Although we lost half of Pakistan, there was no mention of the gross inequalities which led to the grievances of the Bengalis. Tens of thousands died, millions were displaced, atrocities were committed and the country was rent asunder. But the guilty were never punished.

The seeds of the distortion of history and the preponderance of religious dogma which were sown decades ago are bearing fruit today. Examples from the curriculum designed by the Federal Ministry of Education abound. The Social Studies textbook for Class 7 says: “European nations have been working during the past three centuries, through conspiracies on naked aggression to subjugate the countries of the Muslim world.”

14-year-old students of Pakistan Studies are being taught that: “one of the reasons of the downfall of the Muslims in the sub-continent was the lack of the spirit of jihad.”

13-year-olds are instructed: “In Islam jihad is very important…..The person who offers his life never dies….All the prayers nurture one’s passion of jihad.”

Thus, a primary and secondary school environment is being created which is nurturing prejudice and extremism. “College and university come much too late; change must begin at the primary and secondary school level,” sums up physicist and lecturer Dr Pervez Hoodbhoy.
Although religious schools or madrassas in Pakistan are often blamed for breeding extremism, only 6 per cent of children are educated in these schools. Furthermore, research does not confirm the link between madrassa education and terrorism. The cause for the intolerance experienced by Ahmadis, Hindus and Christians lies in public education, structured as it has been to defend Pakistan against some phantom enemy. Non-Muslims are forced to read the same textbooks which contain derogatory remarks against Hindus, e.g being eternal enemies of Muslims. Our myopic educational system discourages questioning and causes ethnic and religious minorities to be viewed with suspicion.

Pakistan is primarily a young country, so it is the youth which is severely impacted by rampant unemployment, inflation, corruption and violence. Many amongst this disenchanted segment have started seeing religion as their anchor and are attracted to demagogues like Zaid Hamid. A self-proclaimed jihadist who claims to have fought against the Soviets in Afghanistan, Hamid banks on the insecurity and frustrations of college students and television viewers. Just as Adolf Hitler dwelt on Germany’s ‘wounded honour’ in his famous beer-hall oratory in Munich (where he promised that Germany would conquer the world), Hamid calls for the Pakistan Army to go to war against India and liberate Kashmir, Palestine, Chechnya and Afghanistan.

Our curriculum stresses the formal and ritualistic aspects of Islam, as against those which emphasise social justice. Science and secular knowledge are regarded with contempt. Dr Hoodbhoy says, “I have never seen a first-rate Muslim scientist become an Islamist or a terrorist even when he or she is a strong believer. But second-and third-rate technologists are more susceptible. These are people who use science in some capacity but without any need to understand it very much—engineers, doctors, technicians, etc.—all of whom are more inclined towards radicalism. They have been trained to absorb facts without thinking, and this makes them more susceptible to the inducements of holy books and preachers.”
The steady diet of religious fundamentalism and blind faith has clouded objective and rational thinking, and transformed Pakistan from a moderate Muslim-majority country into one where the majority wants Islam to play a key role in politics. A 2008 survey by World Public Opinion found that 54 per cent of Pakistanis wanted strict application of Sharia. The British Council polled 1226 young Pakistanis between 18 and 29 in 2009 and found that ‘three-quarters of all young people identify themselves primarily as Muslims. Just 14 per cent chose to define themselves primarily as a citizen of Pakistan.’

Pakistan’s skewed priorities may account for the huge amount spent on its ever increasing “defence needs” and only 1.5 per cent of it’s GDP on education. But lost in the brouhaha over the lack of access to education is the dire need to revise the dogmatic and distorted school curriculum. As the pendulum swings in Pakistan between radicals and moderates, we need our friends to stand with us and demand that Pakistanis don’t need an education which stunts, blinds, distorts and deadens any more. As Alvin Toffler said, “The illiterate of the future will not be the person who cannot read. It will be the person who does not know how to learn.”


Maheen Usmani is a freelance journalist. She has reported on varied subjects, ranging from socio-political issues to sports, travel, culture and counter terrorism.

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  • so what is she tryin to prove..?? @ maheen would you prefer your daughter doing some pole dance in a free society or sitting at home reading quran

  • Millions of daughters in this world, they are living modestly, neither they do pole dances nor they are confined in homes, that is what our daughters must be, they must be able to reap the fruits of peace, progress and happiness, they have every right on every good this world offers, and we must protect them without confinding them, without looking at them with disgust or lust and cleaning our mind of same (disgust and lust).
    Nevertheless looking for extremes is a psychological situation, one must go to a good doctor instead of ridiculing on internet.

  • we as pakistanis just dont want to listen to a contrary view and dwindle between extremes! Pole dancing kahan say aagayee!!!

  • @Ahmed Iqbalabadi ok got it , reading quran is a contrary view for you thats why you don wanna listen to it…… bunch of atheists running this blog..????

  • A very well written article with great analysis…

    @ Pak Shia: There’s no need to reply to people like you who do not have the tolerance to listen to other viewpoints, I would quote from the passage, “education is the ability to listen to almost anything without loosing your temper and your self confidence “

  • The biggest deniers and traitors are PPP supporters who do not acknowledge the role of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in dividing Pakistan in 1971.

  • @ Class of 71:

    Could you please tell me why was the army sent to Dhaka instead of Larkana? Also, could you please tell me why was army action ordered after the talks between PPP and Awami League were in their final phase?

    Z A Bhutto could have ‘avoided’ the whole debacle but neither he had the power nor the position to call the session of the parliament or handover the government to Awami League.

  • It was Bhutto who raised the slogan of ‘idhar hum, udhar tum’ and it was Bhutto who campaigned only in West Pakistan constituency wise. It was always Bhutto’s plan to truncate Pakistan by forcing the Eastern half to succeed. General Tikka Khan carried out the slaughter of the Army action in East Pakistan on Bhutto’s orders and was rewarded with the governorship of Punjab by Benazir Bhutto. Bhutto, his allies and his family were all a corrupt, brutal, treacherous and degenerate lot who deserved to be at the International Criminal Court.

  • One of the best articles I have read on this wretched website!

    Indeed, PPP started out as a balance between two extremes but unfortunately it has now become a party of self absorbed opportunists who have no connection to any ideology what so ever. Zardari and Co. sole job is to keep PPP alive at all costs without any contribution to the society.

    Benazir Income Support has to be the most ridiculus blunder by any government matched only by Tind Bros. Peeli Taxi scheme.

    A party without an ideology is just like a zombie, alive without a soul.

  • @ Rajput:

    It is the same PPP but definitely does not have the space to act as Bhutto did, if you do however profess an ideology one or the other and think it does matter you should be able to recognize what impact the 18th amendment is likely to have in the long run.

    @ Class of 71:

    You can only allege that all those actions ordered by Yahya Khan who was the CMLA were ordered by Bhutto. Do listen to yourself, you are saying that the army chief the actual man in power was Bhutto’s puppet? The argument is not your fault but what has been etched in our text books. Army rulers do not listen to anyone and they were in no control of Bhutto. They did what they wanted and none of these were on Bhutto’s orders.

    He did not order the army action neither had much say, and please after all these years when it has been rectified that he never used the term ‘udhar tum, idhar hum’ you are still throwing that crap that Zia got into textbooks?

    Also, Ghulam Ishaq Khan and not BB had the power to appoint governors, the act was never the less condemnable.

  • the growing extremism and radicalism is the result of this thought control. We should all work to at least save the next generation from it.

  • boss if u guys really wanna build pakistan , PLEASE STOP SUPPORTING ZARADRI….this puts your credibility at stake..
    Mr Chaudry Ali abid you are a simple moron … on one hand you are saying no need to reply and on the other u r replying …what a #$%^&..

  • LOl …. Pak shia I was telling you that no need to reply to people like you…. And plus I didn’t answer you or your stupid claims, because you do not have tolerance to listen to contrary ideas… I do not get it that if you people don’t want to hear such critical analysis on the issues than why do you guys join this blog and read it? We the PPP supporters do not join your blogs that any person who can think analytically will term as rubbish cause of it’s bias views and only anti_ Zardari prapoganda… Why not if you and your bunch wants to feel important write an article with analysis and convince people to your views, it is not the way that you become aggressive if someone holds views contrary to you…. Just think rationally and ask yourself, are you behaving like an ignorant by such acts? There’s always time to change once you realize it… Wish that God helps you overcome your weaknesses…. Thank you !

  • پ پ، سرائيڪي صوبو ۽ پنجاب جو متوقع ردعمل!
    بئريسٽر ضمير گهمرو
    پ پ سرڪار پنهنجي اقتدار جي چوٿين سال ۾ نت نون بحرانن جي چڙهڻ واري آهي، ڇو ته ملڪ جو صدر جيڪو پ پ جو شريڪ چيئرمين به آهي، ان ملڪ جي وڏي صوبي پنجاب کي ٽوڙي نئين صوبي جنهن جو نالو سرائيڪي هوندو کي ٺاهڻ واري مهم شروع ڪئي آهي. اهو ايڏو وڏو ڪم آهي، جنهن تي بظاهر ته ڪنهن کي اختلاف نه آهي، پر اندران ئي اندران اقتدار تي هميشه پنهنجي وڏپڻ ڪري قبضو رکڻ ڪري پنجاب جي اسٽيبلشمينٽ جيڪا ملڪي اسٽيبلشمينٽ آهي، پنهنجو ردعمل ڏيکارڻ شروع ڪيو آهي. ملڪ ۾ سرڪار خلاف نئين هلچل ۽ تشدد جي لهر پ پ سرڪار کي وقت کان اڳ گهر موڪلڻ ۽ سرائيڪي صوبي واري مهم کي ناڪام ڪرڻ جي ئي پهل آهي.
    سن 1817ع ۾ پنجاب جي حڪمران مهاراجا رنجيت سنگهه سرائيڪي حڪمران نواب مظفر کي مفتوح ڪري بهاولپور کان سواءِ سمورا سرائيڪي علائقا پنهنجي قبضي ۾ وٺي ڇڏيا، بهاولپور رياست سنڌ ۽ پنجاب وچ ۾ تيستائين هڪ بفر اسٽيٽ رهي، جيستائين انگريزن 1843ع ۾ سنڌ ۽ 1849ع ۾ پنجاب تي قبضو ڪري ورتو. 1901ع ۾ انگريزن سرحد جي نالي سان جڏهن نئون صوبو ٺاهيو ته سرائيڪي علائقا جهڙوڪ ديرا اسماعيل خان، بنون ۽ ٽينڪ سرحد ۾ شامل ڪري ڇڏيا، جڏهن ته باقي خوشاب کان راجن پور ۽ ميانوالي کان رحيم يار خان تائين وارو سمورو سرائيڪي علائقو پنجاب جي ماتحت ڪيو ويو. توڙي جو وقت بوقت سرائيڪي قومپرست پنهنجي ڌرتي جي اهڙي ونڊ ورڇ تي واويلا ڪندا رهيا. جڏهن شهيد بينظير جي قتل کان پوءِ سرائيڪي وزير اعظم ۽ سنڌي ۽ سرائيڪي ڳالهائيندڙ صدر ملڪ جي مسند تي ويٺا ته سندن ۾ اها اميد پيدا ٿي ته هاڻي سرائيڪي ڳالهائيندڙن کي به خيبر پختونخوا وانگر پنهنجي شناخت ملندي ۽ 1817ع کان پنجاب ۽ سرحد جي تسلط هيٺ رهندڙ سرائيڪي ڪنهن حد تائين پنهنجي آجپي جو جشن ملهائيندا.
    اسان وٽ تاريخي الميو اهو آهي ته سنڌ، سرحد ۽ بلوچستان جا قومپرست ۽ ڏاها هميشه پنجاب جي عددي اڪثريت تي حملو ڪندا رهيا، پر پنجاب جي اقليتي پلهو تي ڪڏهن به نه ڳالهايو. توڙي جو پونم ٺهي، پر پوءِ به پنجاب جي عددي اڪثريت تي ئي حملا ٿيندا رهيا ته اهي پارليامينٽ ۾ اڌ کان وڌيڪ آهن ۽ اهڙي برتري ۾ نٿو رهي سگهجي. پر هينئر پنجاب جي 34 ضلعن مان سرائيڪي قومپرست 21 ضلعن کي سرائيڪي صوبي ۾ شامل ڪرڻ جي گهر ڪري رهيا آهن. 21 نه به ملن، تڏهن به 16 ضلعا سرائيڪي صوبي ۾ شامل ٿيڻ سان پنجاب اڌ ٿي ويندو ۽ آبادي ۽ عددي اڪثريت وارو پلڙو پنجاب جي حق ۾ نه رهندو. هونئن به سرائيڪي آبادي کي پنجاب مان ڪڍڻ سان پنجاب ملڪ جي آبادي جو لڳ ڀڳ پنجٽيهه (35) سيڪڙو رهندو ته پوءِ پنجاب جي عددي اڪثريت ڪٿي بيهندي. هونئن به جمهوريت ۾ سرائيڪي ڳالهائيندڙ عوام پ پ جو ڀرجهلو رهيو آهي، ان ڪري ئي پ پ ملڪ جي اڪثريتي پارٽي جڙي آهي ۽ اها ڳالهه قومپرستن ۽ دانشورن کان صدر زرداري وڌيڪ سمجهي ٿو. پ پ وٽ پختونخوا، سرائيڪي، سنڌ ۽ بلوچستان هجڻ کان پوءِ پنجاب پورو گڏ به ٿئي ته اقتدار ۾ نٿو اچي سگهي ۽ سياسي نظام ۾ پنجاب جا سڀ مهرا آهسته آهسته مُڏا ٿيندا ويندا.
    هونئن به ڪنهن به فيڊريشن ۾ ننڍين وڏين رياستن جو هجڻ فطري عمل آهي. آمريڪا ۾ ڪي رياستون ڪروڙن جي آبادي ته ڪي وري لکن جي آبادي تي مشتمل آهن، پر جتي آئين ۽ قانون جي حڪمراني آهي، اتي ننڍين يا وڏين رياستن جو فرق رهي ئي نٿو، ان ڪري اهو چوڻ ته پنجاب وڏو صوبو آهي، ان ڪري فيڊريشن هلائي نٿي سگهجي، بي بنياد آهي، ڇو ته ننڍن ۽ وڏن صوبن جي موجودگي ۾ انڊيا، آمريڪا ۽ ڪئناڊا جون وڏيون فيڊريشنز هلي رهيون آهن. فيڊريشن آئين ۽ قانون جي پيداوار آهي، ان ڪري ان کي عددي اڪثريت ۽ ڏنڊي جي زور تي نه پر آئين ۽ قانون موجب ئي هلائي سگهجي ٿو. ان ڪري حقيقت اها آهي ته پنجاب نه ته وڏو صوبو هيو ۽ نه وري وڏي صوبي جي موجودگي ۾ ڪا فيڊريشن نٿي هلائي سگهجي. اهي ٻئي مفروضا هيا، جن کي ملڪ جي ڪجهه دانشورن پنهنجي هڪ هٽي طور استعمال ڪيو، پر ٻنهي مفروضن کي ملڪ جي صدر آصف زرداري ڀڃي ڀور ڪري ڇڏيو آهي ۽ پنجاب اهڙي بحران جي ور چڙهيل آهي، جتي نه صرف سياست، پر اقتدار جا سڀ مهرا پيرن هيٺان نڪرندو ٿو ڏسي. مٿان آمريڪا جي چڙهائي پنجاب جي سياسي ۽ عسڪري قيادت تي بي پناهه دٻاءُ وڌو آهي، ان ڪري ئي ڪجهه ڏينهن ۽ مهينن کان ملڪ جي سياست ۾ وڏو ڦيرو آيو آهي. جڏهن اقتدار جي مرڪز تي پٿر ڪرندو ته رڙ ته ضرور ٿيندي، جڏهن ته ان سان ملڪي فيڊريشن ۾ ڪيفيتي تبديلي ايندي. هينئر ملڪ ۾ قومي اسيمبلي جون 242 عام سيٽون آهن ۽ ان ۾ پنجاب جون 148 آهن، جن مان جيڪڏهن 70 کان 75 سيٽون سرائيڪي صوبي ۾ هليون وڃن ته پنجاب وٽ بمشڪل 70 سيٽون بچنديون، جڏهن ته سنڌ جون جنرل سيٽون 61 آهن، ته پنجاب ذري گهٽ سنڌ جيترو وڃي بيهندو ۽ ملڪي اقتدار ۾ اهڙي صورتحال ۾ پير ڄمائڻ تمام ڏکيو ٿي پوندو. هيءُ پهريون دفعو آهي، جو ملڪ جي فيڊريشن ۾ ڪيفيتي تبديلي اچي رهي آهي ۽ پنجاب جي عددي اڪثريت جي واويلا ڪندڙ دانشورن کان اهو ڪارڊ کسجي ويندو، ڇو ته جمهوريت ۾ به پنجاب کي اهو ڪارڊ حاصل نه هو، جڏهن سرائيڪي تاريخي طور تي پ پ سان بيٺل رهيا آهن.
    ان ايڏي وڏي ڪيفيتي تبديلي کي قبول ڪرڻ پنجاب جي وس کان ٻاهر آهي، ان ڪري امن امان خراب ٿيندو. دهشتگردي ٿيندي، پ پ مخالف پروپيگنڊا ٿيندي، صدر ۽ وزير اعظم تي ڇوهه ڇنڊيا ويندا، ڪرپشن جو بهانو بڻايو ويندو. مطلب ته سرڪار کي ڪيرائڻ نه ته به ڊسٽرب ڪرڻ لاءِ تمام گهڻا حربا هلايا ويندا. سنڌ ۾ صوبي وارو بحث به ان ڪڙي جو حصو آهي. سرڪار کان متحده جو ڌار ٿيڻ، نواز شريف پاران لانگ مارچ، بلوچستان ۾ وڌيڪ تشدد، ڪراچي ۾ مارا ماري سڀ ان ڳالهه جا اشارا آهن ته ملڪ جي فيڊريشن ۾ هي ڪيفيتي تبديلي ڪيئن قبول ڪئي وڃي. حالانڪه اها فيڊريشن کي هلائڻ لاءِ تمام ضروري آهي، جنهن تي زور جيترو صدر آصف ڏنو آهي، اوترو ان تي قومپرستن به نه ڏنو هوندو. توڙي جو پونم ۾ ويهندڙ سڀ سياستڪار ۽ ڏاها سرائيڪي کي قوم تسليم ڪري چڪا هئا ۽ هينئر جڏهن پنجاب اسيمبلي ۾ اها قرارداد پيش ڪرڻ لاءِ فيصلو ٿي ويو آهي ته به پنجاب جي عددي اڪثريت تي بحث ٿي رهيا آهن، سياست کان بيگانگي جو هي انوکو مثال آهي.
    1973ع جي آئين جي آرٽيڪل 239 ۾ ڀٽو صاحب صوبن جي وحدت کي مڪمل محفوظ ڪرڻ لاءِ اهو نڪتو وڌو هو ته تيستائين پارليامينٽ ۽ صدر صوبن جي حدن ۾ ڦيرڦار واري قانون تي صحيح نٿا ڪري سگهن، جيستائين صوبي جي اسيمبلي ٻه ڀاڱي ٽي اڪثريت سان اهو بل پاس نٿي ڪري. هاڻي نواز ليگ اهو چئي رهي آهي ته انتظامي بنياد تي صوبا ٺاهي سگهجن ٿا، ٻولي جي بنياد تي نه. جيڪا ڳالهه تاريخي حقيقتن کان منهن موڙڻ ۽ ملڪ ۾ قومن جي وجود کان انڪار ڪرڻ جي برابر آهي، ڇو ته سنڌ، پنجاب، خيبر پختونخوا، بلوچستان ۽ سرائڪستان صوبا ئي نه، پر رياستون ۽ قومون آهن. اهي دراصل ملڪ آهن، جن تي فيڊريشن ٺاهي وئي آهي. هاڻ انهن کان انڪار ڪرڻ تاريخ کان انڪار ڪرڻ جي برابر آهي. جڏهن اهڙو بل جلد پنجاب اسيمبلي ۾ پيش ڪيو ويندو ته نواز ليگ جو ردعمل ڏسڻ وٽان هوندو، ڇو ته اها وڃي سينٽرل پنجاب جي ضلعن تي مشتمل اقليتي پارٽي ٿيندي. ان ئي ردعمل طور پنجاب جي وڏي وزير ڪراچي کي صوبو ٺاهڻ واري ڳالهه ڪئي، جيڪا تاريخ سان مذاق آهي، ڇو ته پنجاب 1817ع ۾ سرائيڪي صوبي تي قبضو ڪيو هو ۽ سنڌ ۾ ڪنهن به علائقي تي قبضو نه ڪيو ويو آهي. رهندو سنڌ جو وسيع علائقو جيڪو لسٻيلي رياست تي مشتمل آهي، 18 هين صدي کان بلوچستان ۾ شامل آهي، جنهن جي سنڌي سمنڊ ڪناري هينئر به سنڌي آبادي اڪثريت سان رهي ٿي. نواز ليگ پاران متحده ڏانهن هٿ وڌائڻ پڻ ان سلسلي جي ڪڙي آهي ته آخر سنڌي صدر پنجاب کي ڇو ٽوڙي رهيو آهي، پر هو تاريخ مان سبق سکڻ لاءِ تيار نه آهن ته ٻن صدين کان هڪ قوم پنهنجي شناخت کان محروم آهي ۽ ان کي 21 هين صدي ۾ محروم نٿو رکي سگهجي.
    صدر پاران سرائيڪي صوبي ٺاهڻ وارو قدم پ پ کي ڳرو به پئجي سگهي ٿو ۽ ان ۾ ڪو به شڪ نه آهي ته صدر ان جي نتيجن تي ضرور سوچيو هوندو، ڇو ته ڪجهه ڌريون پنجاب کي ٽوڙڻ کي ملڪ جي ٽوڙڻ برابر قرار ڏئي رهيون آهن، جيڪا ڳالهه حقيقت کان پري آهي، ڇو ته سرائيڪي صوبي جي ظاهري مخالفت ته نواز ليگ به نٿي ڪري سگهي. نواز ليگ پاران نون صوبن لاءِ جوڙيل ڪاميٽي ان عمل کي وڌيڪ تڪراري بڻائيندي، ڇو ته ملڪ ۾ سرائيڪي صوبي کان سواءِ ٻيو ڪو به صوبو نٿو ٺهي سگهي. هونئن ته آئين هيٺ سرائيڪي صوبو به نٿو ٺاهي سگهجي، ڇو ته آئين ۾ صوبن جي حدن ۾ ڦيرڦار ته ڪري سگهجي ٿي، پر نئون صوبو نٿو ٺاهي سگهجي. جيڪڏهن آئين جي اهڙي تشريح جي نواز ليگ کي خبر نه آهي ته سياست ان کان ڏکي آهي، پر آئين جي بنيادي ڍانچي جيڪو چئن صوبن تي مشتمل آهي، تبديلي تي وڏي ڪورٽ کان پنجاب راءِ به وٺي سگهي ٿو، پر سندن آئيني ماهر لڳي ٿو ته راءِ ڏيڻ کان نابري واري بيٺا آهن. اها آئين جي هڪ تشريح آهي، ڇو ته آئين جي آرٽيڪل 239 ۾ واضح لکيل آهي ته صوبن جي حدن ۾ ڦيرڦار مثال طور جيئن بلوچستان جا پشتون علائقا خيبر پختونخوا ۾ شامل ڪجن، پر ڇا نئون صوبو قائم ڪرڻ جو پارليامينٽ کي اختيار آهي؟ ان تي سپريم ڪورٽ ضرور راءِ ڏئي سگهي ٿي، ڇو ته فيڊريشن جي بنيادي ڍانچي ۾ ڦيرڦار لاءِ نئين آئين ساز اسيمبلي وجود ۾ اچڻ کپي. پ پ جيڪڏهن چالاڪي سان اهو ميدان ماريندي ٿي وڃي ته هوند کيس ووٽ بينڪ وڌائڻ جا واضح امڪان آهن.
    نواز شريف پنجاب ۾ پنهنجي سائز کي گهٽ ٿيندو ڏسي، اي-پي-ڊي-ايم جي لنڊن پڌرنامي جي خلاف ورزي ڪندي متحده سان جڏهن گڏ بيٺو آهي ته ان مان اندازو لڳائي سگهجي ٿو ته هو پنهنجي صوبي جي ملڪ تي هڪ هٽي برقرار رکڻ لاءِ ڪجهه به ڪري سگهن ٿا. ان ئي سلسلي ۾ سينٽرل پنجاب ۽ سينٽرل ڪراچي جي پراڻي دوستي بحال ٿي آهي. هاڻي ڏسون اها ڪيترا ڏينهن هلي سگهي ٿي.
    جيڪڏهن پ پ سرڪار کي سرائيڪي صوبي لاءِ گهربل اڪثريت نٿي ملي ته هو اهو به ڪري سگهي ٿي ته ملتان کي ڇهه مهينا ۽ لاهور کي ڇهه مهينا صوبي جي گادي قرار ڏئي، ائين کوڙ سارن ملڪن ۾ آهي. ان سان به سرائيڪي قومپرست پوري طور ته نه، پر ذرو پرزو ٿڌا ٿيندا، پر صوبو اکين اڳيان ڏسندي هو هروڀرو جي آشيرواد کي نامڪمل ۽ اڻپورو سمجهندا ۽ رهندو اها گهر ايندڙ اليڪشن جو نقطو هوندي. پ پ پڻ ان گهر کي ايندڙ اليڪشن جو وڏو موضوع ٺاهڻ چاهيندي، جيڪڏهن چونڊن کي ٿيڻ ڏنو ويو. موجوده صورتحال ۾ پ پ کي چونڊ کيتر ۾ سرسي آهي ۽ ان لاءِ ئي نواز ليگ محتاط آهي، ڇو ته نواز ليگ کي پنجاب ۾ چوڌري ۽ عمران خان پڻ ڳرا پئجي رهيا آهن. پ پ سمجهي ٿي ته سرائيڪي صوبو ٺهيو ته واهه واهه، نه ٺهيو ته ايندڙ چونڊ هو ان نعري هيٺ ئي وڙهندي ۽ ڏکڻ پنجاب پوءِ سندس کيسي ۾ هوندو، اهڙي ئي طرح جيئن هو سمجهي ٿي ته سنڌ کيسي ۾ آهي.
    ٻاهريون محاذ:
    ٻاهرين محاذ تي ڪجهه پ پ لاءِ ۽ ڪجهه اسٽيبلشمينٽ لاءِ خبرون سٺيون نه آهن. پاڪ-آمريڪا ڇڪتاڻ وڌي رهي آهي. هوڏانهن چين به سوچيو آهي ته ڪاشگر تي حملو ڪندڙ پاڪستان مان آيا. آءِ ايس آءِ سربراهه ان سلسلي ۾ چين ويل آهي. جيڪڏهن اسٽيبلشمينٽ آمريڪا سان Cut off ڪرڻ چاهيو ته پ پ سرڪار جا ڏينهن پورا آهن، پر جيڪڏهن اسٽيبلشمينٽ ۽ آمريڪا گڏ هلڻ لاءِ راضي ٿين ٿيون ته پوءِ پ پ سرڪار کي وقت ملي سگهي ٿو. اهڙي طرح اڄڪلهه سياست جي شطرنج تي وڏيون رانديون هلي رهيون آهن ۽ ڪا به ڳالهه حتمي چوڻ ته ڪير کٽيندو، وقت کان اڳ ٿيندو، ڇو ته مقابلو سخت آهي. آمريڪا پڻ الزام لڳايا آهن ته پاڪستان حقاني نيٽ ورڪ جي حمايت ڪري رهيو آهي، جنهن مان بظاهر لڳي ٿو ته اسٽيبلشمينٽ ۽ آمريڪا جو Cut off ٿيڻ وارو آهي، پر اسٽيبلشمينٽ وٽ باقي آپشنز تي غور ڪجي ته ڳالهه ڏکي ٿي لڳي. ملڪ تي غير آئيني چڙهائي وڌيڪ انتشار جو سبب بڻجندي ۽ اندروني ۽ ٻاهرين طاقتن ۽ قوتن کي منظم ٿيڻ جو موقعو ملندو. ڏسجي ته راند ڪير ٿو کٽي، پر ان سان ملڪ جو مستقبل پڻ واڳيل آهي. اهم فيصلا هينئر ئي ٿيندا ۽ ڪهڙي رخ ۾ رياست جي زاويي جو تعين ڪن ٿا، ان لاءِ گهڻي نه ٿوري انتظار جي ضرورت آهي.
    The Kawish Group of Publication
    B/2 Civil Line Hyderabad,Sindh Pakistan.
    Phone:+92 (22) 2780026,2780027,2780525 Fax: +92 (22) 2780772, 2781167
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  • @Saad

    5 years of corruption, chaos, deteriorating law and order situation and absolute failure of the government in almost all the departments cannot be offset by just 18th ammendment.

    Asif Ali Zardari is one of the most hated person in Pakistan and for a reason!