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The Sindh Card

Here are two articles, first one by Hasan Mujtaba of BBC Urdu and the second one by Nazir Naji. The articles suggest that contrary to the ‘mainstream’ propaganda, the so called Sindh Card is a tool which has been successfully used by the anti-democracy establishment against the Pakistan People’s Party.

پاکستان میں سندھ کارڈ کی حقیقت
حسن مجتبیٰ
بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، نیویارک

نومبر میں صدر زرداری کے حق میں گڑھی خدا بخش سے کراچی تک ریلی نکالی گئی تھی
یہ ایک عجیب تاریخی مذاق ہے کہ پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی کی جس کی یکے بعد دیگرے آنے والی حکومتیں جو سندھ میں قوم پرستوں کی نظر میں اکثر’وفاق پرست‘ یا اس سے بھی زیادہ ’ پنجاب نواز‘ سمجھی جاتی رہی ہیں ، موجودہ حکومت پر اس کے ’سندھ کارڈ‘ کھیلنے کا الزام لگایا جا رہا ہے۔ اور یہ بھی دلچسپ بات ہے کہ حکومت میں ہوتے ہوئے بھی اس حکومتی پارٹی اور اس کے حکمرانوں کو ’اسٹیبلمشمینٹ‘ مخالف سمجھا جا رہا ہے۔
جبکہ الٹی حقیقت یہ ہے کہ یہ پاکستان کی فوجی اسٹیبلشمینٹ ہے جو پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی کے خلاف سندھ کارڈ استعمال کرتی آ رہی ہے۔

’سندھ کارڈ‘ کا نام پہلے اسوقت سنا گیا تھا جب سنہ انیس سو ستتر میں فوجی آمر جنرل ضیاء الحق نے صوبہ سندھ سے تعلق رکھنے والے پاکستان کے مقبول وزیر اعظم ذوالفقار علی بھٹو کو اپنی زير اثر عدلیہ کے ذریعے پھانسی دلوا کر سندھ میں ہر بچے اور بڑے کے ذہن میں اس خیال کو پختہ کردیا تھا کہ ’ذوالفقار علی بھٹو کی حکومت اس لیے ختم کر دی گئي کہ سندھی تھے اور پھر انہیں پھانسی محض اسی لیے دی گئي کہ ان کا تعلق چھوٹے صوبہ سندھ سے تھا۔‘
پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی ظاہر ہے کہ جس کی حمایت کا سب سے بڑا مرکز بھٹو کا آبائي صوبہ سندھ ہی تھا، کے مغموم اور غصیلے کارکنوں نے اب ’نعرہ بھٹو نعرہ سندھ، جئے بھٹو جئے سندھ‘ لگانا شروع کیا تھا۔ ضیاء الحق اور اس کی فوجی حکومت نہ فقط سندھ میں زبردست غیر مقبول تھی بلکہ اسے زبردست مزاحمت کا سامنا بغیر قیادت کی پی پی پی اور دیگر سندھی تنظیموں کی طرف سے سرگرمیوں اور تحریک سے سندھ کے کونے کونے سے کرنا پڑنے والا تھا۔

پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی کے ظاہر ہے کہ جس کی حمایت کا سب سے بڑا مرکز بھٹو کا آبائي صوبہ سندھ ہی تھا، مغموم اور غصیلے کارکنوں نے اب ’نعرہ بھٹو نعرہ سندھ، جئے بھٹو جئے سندھ‘ لگانا شروع کیا تھا۔ ضیاء الحق اور اس کی فوجی حکومت نہ فقط سندھ میں زبردست غیر مقبول تھی بلکہ اسے زبردست مزاحمت کا سامنا بغیر قیادت کی پی پی پی اور دیگر سندھی تنظیموں کی طرف سے سرگرمیوں اور تحریک سے سندھ کے کونے کونے سے کرنا پڑنے والا تھا۔
جنرل ضیاءالحق سندھی وزیر اعظم ذوالفقار علی بھٹو، کی پھانسی کی حمایت کے حصول میں سندھ میں ہی بھٹو مخالف میروں، پیروں، جاگیرداروں، سیاستدانوں اور سندھی قوم پرستوں کو خود سے ظاہر یا خفیہ طور پر ملانے میں کامیاب ہوگئے تھے۔
ان بھٹو مخالف سندھی سیاستدانوں میں پیر پگاڑو، الہی بخش سومرو، محمود ہارون، تالپور برادران اور قاضی بھی شامل تھے۔ ضیاء الحق نے بھٹو مخالف میر رسول بخش تالپور کو سندھ کا گورنر، ان کے بڑے بھائي میر علی احمد تالپور کو وزیر دفاع، قاضی عبدالمجید عابد ( سندھ کے وزیر داخلہ ذوالفقار مرزا کے سسر اور سپیکر قومی اسبملی ڈاکٹر فہمیدہ مرزا کے والد) کو وفاقی وزیر اطلاعات اور محمود ہارون کو بھٹو کی پھانسی کے بلیک وارنٹ پر دستخط کرنے والا وزیر داخلہ بنایا تھا۔

یہاں تک کہ جی ایم سید جیسے سندھی ‍قوم پرستی کے باوا آدم کو ضیاء الحق نے اپنی طرف رام کیا ہوا تھا۔ یہ بھی ایک تاریخی ستم ظریفی ہے کہ زرداری باپ بیٹوں حاکم علی زرداری اور آصف علی زرداری کو بھی ضیاء الحق نے اپنے ریفرنڈم میں حمایتی بنایا ہوا تھا۔ یہ اور بات ہے کہ پنجاب میں بھی جاگیرداروں اور پیروں کی پوزیشن کوئي مختلف نہیں تھی۔ موجودہ وزیر خارجہ شاہ محمود قریشی کے والد سجاد حسین قریشی پنجاب کے گورنر، اور موجودہ وزیر اعظم یوسف رضا گیلانی ضیاء الحق کی حکومت کے وفاقی وزیر بنے تھے۔ یہی حال چھٹہ اور وٹو کا تھا۔
یہاں تک کہ جی ایم سید جیسے سندھی ‍قوم پرستی کے باوا آدم کو ضیاء الحق نے اپنی طرف رام کیا ہوا تھا۔ یہ بھی ایک تاریخی ستم ظریفی ہے کہ زرداری باپ بیٹوں حاکم علی زرداری اور آصف علی زرداری کو بھی ضیاء الحق نے اپنے ریفرنڈم میں حمایتی بنایا ہوا تھا۔ یہ اور بات ہے کہ پنجاب میں بھی جاگیرداروں اور پیروں کی پوزیشن کوئي مختلف نہیں تھی۔ موجودہ وزیر خارجہ شاہ محمود قریشی کے والد سجاد حسین قریشی پنجاب کے گورنر، اور موجودہ وزیر اعظم یوسف رضا گیلانی ضیاء الحق کی حکومت کے وفاقی وزیر بنے تھے۔ یہی حال چھٹہ اور وٹو کا تھا۔

سندھ میں تالپور برادران کو بھٹو کی پھانسی کی حمایت سے روکنے کے لیے بائيں بازو کے مشہور دانشور اور مدیرمظہر علی خان حیدرآباد گئے تھے لیکن وہ ان کو بھٹو کی پھانسی کی حمایت سے باز نہ رکھ سکے تھے۔ پیر پگاڑو جیسے طاقتور سندھی پیر جن کے مرید نہ فقط سندھ بلکہ پنجاب اور ہندوستان تک پھیلے ہوئے ہیں کو جنرل ضیاء الحق نے اقتدارکی سیاست میں بہت بڑا ’پاور بروکر‘ بنا دیا۔ پیر پگاڑو کی ہی سفارش پر سندھ میں غوث علی شاہ کو ضياء الحق نے پہلے سینیئر وزیر اور پھر وزیر اعلیٰ مقرر کیا۔
انیس سو تراسی میں ضیاء الحق کے خلاف ’پاکستان بچاؤ تحریک‘ کے نام پر ملک بھر میں اٹھنے والی ایم آر ڈی تحریک کا زیادہ تر زور سندھ میں تھا جسے ضیاءالحق کے ریاستی و فوجی تشدد نے مزید متشدد بنا دیا۔ دلچسپ امر یہ ہے کہ ضیاء الحق کے خلاف چلنے والی تحریک کو سندھی قوم پرست رہنما جی ایم سید نے اقتدار کے بھوکوں کی تحریک اور ضیاء الحق کی اسٹیبلشمینٹ نے اسے ’سندھو دیش کی تحریک‘ قرار دیا۔ سنہ انیس سو تراسی کی تحریک کے نتیجے میں پاکستانی اسٹیبلشمینیٹ اور میڈیا نے ایک نئي اصطلاح ’سندھ کی احساس محرومی‘ ایجاد کی اور اب ’سندھ کارڈ‘ کے طور پر ضیاء الحق نے اپنے ریفرنڈم اور غیر جماعتی انتخابات کے نتائج میں سندھی وزیر اعظم محمد خان جونیجو کو منتخب کیا۔

’سندہ کارڈ‘ کھیلتے ہوئے ضیاء الحق اسٹیبلشمینٹ اور خفیہ ایجنسیوں نے نہ فقط لسانی سیاست کو مسلح کرتے ہوئے سندھ میں خونی فسادات کی داغ بیل ڈال کر اپنی فوجی آمریت کو طوالت دی بلکہ انہوں نے سندھ میں مزید قبائلی خونریزی کے لیے خانکی ملیشیا، چانڈیو اور مگسی کلہوڑا فورسز کی بھی ہمت افزائي کی۔ اب یہ کھلا راز ہے کہ ڈاکووں کے کئي ٹولوں کو خفیہ ایجنسیوں کے افسروں اور ضیاء کے غیر جماعتی وڈیروں کی پشت پناہی حاصل تھی۔
’سندہ کارڈ‘ کھیلتے ہوئے ضیاء الحق اسٹیبلشمینٹ اور خفیہ ایجنسیوں نے نہ فقط لسانی سیاست کو مسلح کرتے ہوئے سندھ میں خونی فسادات کی داغ بیل ڈال کر اپنی فوجی آمریت کو طوالت دی بلکہ انہوں نے سندھ میں مزید قبائلی خونریزی کے لیے خانکی ملیشیا، چانڈیو اور مگسی کلہوڑا فورسز کی بھی ہمت افزائي کی۔ اب یہ کھلا راز ہے کہ ڈاکووں کے کئي ٹولوں کو خفیہ ایجنسیوں کے افسروں اور ضیاء کے غیر جماعتی وڈیروں کی آشیر باد حاصل تھی۔
کئي نامی گرامی پتھاریدار ’ضیا حمایت تحریک‘ کے سندھ میں عہدیدار بنے۔ اسی طرح بینظیر بھٹو اور اس کی پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی کو روکنے کیلیے ضیا نے ’سندھ کارڈ‘ خوب کھیلا۔ سندھی قوم پرستوں کا اتحاد ’سندھ قومی اتحاد ‘ کے نام پر ضیاءالحق نے محمود ہارون اور الہی بخش سومرو کی تواسط سے جی ایم سید کے ہاتھوں قائم کروایا۔

ضیا ء الحق کی موت کے بعد انیس سو اٹھاسی کے انتخابات کے نتائج میں بینظیر بھٹو نے مرکز اور سندھ میں حکومت تو بنالی لیکن اسٹیبلشمینٹ کا سندھ کارڈ کھلینا جاری رہا جس کے تحت پنجاب میں نہ فقط تب کے وزیر اعلیٰ محمد نواز شریف نے ’جاگ پنجابی جاگ ‘ کا نعرہ لگایا پر بینظیر بھٹو حکومت کے خلاف ’پارلیمانی کوڈیٹا‘ کے تحت ان کی حکومت کے خلاف قومی اسبملی میں عدم اعتماد کی تحریک میں فوج کے تب کے سربراہ جنرل مرزا اسلم بیگ نے ایم کیو ایم کے ارکین کوتڑوا کر حزب مخالف کی حمایت کا اعلان کروایا تھا۔ اس سے قبل غوث علی شاہ اور غلام مصطفیٰ جتوئي جیسے تب کے غیر مقبول سندھی رہنماء جنہیں سندھی انتخابات میں ٹھکرا چکے تھے کو نواز شریف نے پنجاب سے ترتیب وار نارووال اور کوٹ ادو سے قومی اسمبلی کے ضمنی انتخابات میں جتوایا۔

اگست سنہ انیس سو نوے میں غلام اسحاق خان کےہاتھوں فوج کی ایما پر بینظیر بھٹو کے برطرف ہونے کے بعد اسٹیبلشمینٹ نے سندھ کارڈ کھیلتے ہوئے سندھ میں سندھی قوم پرستوں کا اتحاد پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی کے خلاف جڑوانے کی کوششیں کیں اور انہی کوششوں کے تحت الاہی بخش سومرو کی سفارش پر لیاقت علی جتوئي کو سندھ کا وزیر اعلیٰ لگوایا گیا۔

اگست سنہ انیس سو نوے میں غلام اسحاق خان کےہاتھوں فوج کی ایما پر بینظیر بھٹو کے برطرف ہونے کے بعد اسٹیبلشمینٹ نے سندھ کارڈ کھیلتے ہوئے سندھ میں سندھی قوم پرستوں کا اتحاد پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی کے خلاف جڑوانے کی کوششیں کیں اور انہی کوششوں کے تحت الہی بخش سومرو کی سفارش پر لیاقت علی جتوئي کو سندھ کا وزیر اعلیٰ لگوایا گیا۔

پاکستانی فوجی اسٹیبلشمینٹ کے خلاف زخمی شیرنی کی طرح بپھری ہوئي بینظیر بھٹو اور اس کی پارٹی کو انیس سو نوے کے انتخابات سے باہر رکھنے کے لیے سندھ کارڈ کھلتے ہوئے اسٹبلشمینٹ نے وزارت اعظمیٰ کے سدا بہار امیدوار غلام مصطفی جتوئي کو نگران وزیر اعظم اور سندھ میں جام صادق علی جیسے نظام سقہ بند کو نگران وزیر اعلیٰ مقرر کروا کر بڑ ے پیمانے پر انتخابی دھاندلیاں کروائیں، اس کارروائي کو آئي ایس آئي کا بدنام زمانہ ’جنرل رفاقت الیکشن‘ سیل کہا جاتا ہے۔ آئي جے آئي بنواتے ہوئے جو آئي ایس آئي نے قومی دولت سیاستدانوں میں رشوت کے طور پر بانٹی تھی ان میں خطیر رقوم سندھی سیاستدانوں غلام مصطفیٰ جتوئي اور اسماعیل راہو کو بھی عطا کی گئي تھیں۔

انس سو چھیانوے میں پھر پی پی پی حکومت ختم کرنے کے بعد اب کے اسٹیبلشمینٹ نے جو سندھ کارڈ استعمال کیا اس میں بینظیر بھٹو کے جواب میں’جئے بھٹو جئے سندھ‘ کا نعرہ لگاتے ہوئے سندھی کنفیڈریشنسٹ قوم پرست سیاستدان ممتاز بھٹو کو سندھ میں نگران وزیر اعلیٰٰ مقرر کیا۔

یہ بھی ایک حقیقت ہے کہ تیس سال تک پاکستانی فوجی اسٹیبلشمینٹ نے پی پی پی اور بینظیر کے خلاف ’سندھ کارڈ‘ ہی استعمال کرتے ہوئے اس کے آبائي صوبے اور حمایت کے مرکز سندھ میں حکومت بنانے سے اسے محروم رکھتے ہوئے اس کے خلاف ایک نشست والے وزرائے اعلیٰ کی مخطوط حکومتیں قائم کی ہیں جن کو ح‍قیقت میں ایک بریگيڈئير اور دو کرنلوں نے ہی چلایا ہے۔ کور ہاوس، کنگری ہاوس، ہالا حویلی اور نائین زیرو، یہی سندھ میں طاقت کے اصل منبع بنا کر پی پی پی کو سندھ کارڈ کے تحت اقتدار سے دور رکھا گیا تھا

http://www.bbc.co.uk/urdu/pakistan/2010/01/100103_sindh_card_zee.shtml

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Nazir Naji:


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    Read this news: KARACHI: Rehman Dakait escapes from police custody: Official connivance suspected By S. Raza Hassan August 23, 2006 Wednesday Rajab 27, 1427
    http://www.dawn.com/2006/08/23/local2.htm

    KARACHI: Lyari wonders how Rehman Dakait lost politicians’ love By Imran Ayub Thursday, 13 Aug, 2009 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/local/karachi-lyari-wonders-how-rehman-dakait-lost-politicians-love-389

    Now read this 2 year old story “under Musharraf Govt”

    KARACHI: The rise and fall of Lyari Task Force By Arman Sabir The former Sindh IG Jahangir Mirza acknowledged the arrest of gangster Rahman Dakait only after his retirement. He said the outlaw’s arrest and subsequent escape was not brought to his knowledge while he was in office. May 10, 2007 Thursday Rabi-us-Sani 22, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/2007/05/10/local4.htm

    KARACHI: Question mark over killing of Lyari ‘gangster’
    By S. Raza Hassan Tuesday, 11 Aug, 2009
    http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/local/karachi-question-mark-over-killing-of-lyari-gangster-189

    KARACHI: Gangster Arshad Pappu arrested By S. Raza Hassan October 12, 2006 Thursday Ramazan 18, 1427 Arshad Pappu’s arrest materialised early Wednesday morning when sleuths of the Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI) accompanied by police, raided an apartment building in Lyari. http://www.dawn.com/2006/10/12/local4.htm

    KARACHI: Lyari ‘gangster’ seeking role in politics By S. Raza Hassan January 14, 2009 Wednesday Muharram 16, 1430 http://www.dawn.com/2009/01/14/local1.htm

    Lyari criminals run under the patronage and shelter of Zulfiqar mirza and Nabil Gabol Beheaded MQM Amir worker after Abduction

    REPLY TO THE ABOVE:

    Here is the clue:

    Investigators told Dawn that identity cards from the premier intelligence agency cited the suspects “ranks” as “sources”. They added, however, that the intelligence agency in question described the cards as being fake.Police said that entry cards for the Malir Cantonment area were also recovered from their possession. KARACHI: Attack on JSQM convoy: Surviving ‘assassin’ being grilled By S. Raza Hassan Sunday, 26 Jul, 2009 | 01:39 AM PST [DAILY DAWN] http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/local/karachi-attack-on-jsqm-convoy-surviving-assassin-being-grilled-679

    More Clues:

    Imran mediating between Haqiqi factions Friday, May 09, 2008 By M Waqar Bhatti http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=14581

    Efforts to end Aamir-Afaq rivalry fail By Mazhar Tufail Sunday, April 20, 2008
    http://thenews.jang.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=14216

    Now read what Dr Shahid Masood and Irfan Siddiqui wanted to do in Karachi: GEO TV/JANG GROUP’s Message of Hate for Pakistan.
    http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2009/11/geo-tvjang-groups-message-of-hate-for.html

    This is because of this:

    Proposed powers for Rangers draw criticism By Imran Ayub Thursday, 07 Jan, 2010
    http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/local/16-proposed-powers-for-rangers-draw-criticism-710-hs-01

    The Rangers have been in the metropolis for over two decades now. Their performance can be described as patchy at best; they have also been criticised for standing aside when a deteriorating law and order situation has caused trouble to flare in the city. The Rangers’ commercial activities have also drawn censure. Police reform and de-weaponising Karachi are the key to peace in the metropolis, not sweeping powers for the Rangers. Sweeping powers Dawn Editorial Wednesday, 06 Jan, 2010 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/news/pakistan/metropolitan/19-sweeping-powers-hh-03

    “QUOTE”

    Brutes and Beasts – Haqiqi Ali Chishti October 26, 2009
    http://www.chowk.com/articles/16554

    “UNQUOTE”

    Even more clues [8 year old article from Monthly Newsline September 2001 Issue] Karachi’s Gang Wars By Ghulam Hasnain

    “QUOTE”

    Both the rangers as well as Shoaib’s armed guards fired at Bholoo’s supporters, who they feared might force Shoaib’s arrest after lawyers told Shoaib that his bail may not be confirmed. The seven ranger personnel led by Major Abdul Majeed of Janbaz Force in Thatta and Major Tariq Hameed of Karachi, are now facing a court martial. They were reported to be regular visitors at mujra performances at Shoaib’s den. On the day of the shooting at the City Court, the team of rangers apparently left their headquarters on some pretext to accompany Shoaib for his protection.
    http://www.newsline.com.pk/NewsSept2001/coverstory1.htm

    “UNQUOTE”

    Clues:

    “QUOTE”

    Dawood had three prominent operators in Karachi – Shoaib Khan, Ibrahaim Bholo and Shahanshah Khalid. Initially, all three worked well together, but in time they began to feud. Bholo was kidnapped and killed, according to some reports by Shoaib Khan over differences over a drug deal in South Africa. Khalid and Khan continue their gang warfare.
    Dawood: ‘War on terror’ takes a strange turn
    By Syed Saleem Shahzad Oct 22, 2003
    http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/EJ22Df07.html

    “UNQUOTE”

    Even more startling clues which will shake you like earthquake:)

    “QUOTE”

    Dawood “Bhai” (brother), as he is fondly remembered, is the biggest patron of gambling in cricket. The Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB) tries to be vigilant in obstructing this evil, but it is hard when the “big fishes” – including PCB chairman Lieutenant-General Tauqir Zia – feel free to visit Dawood Ibrahim in his nonexistent housing. The Military Intelligence (MI) unit reported to Musharraf that Shoaib Khan had been seen in the Askari apartment building in Karachi, where army officers are housed, along with the provincial chief of Inter-Services Intelligence (Sindh), who is a serving brigadier along with other police officials. There they reportedly enjoy “live shows” and gamble. An invisible hand in Pakistani politics
    By Syed Saleem Shahzad Mar 19, 2003 http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/EC19Df01.html

    “UNQUOTE”

    Now read this news:

    “quote”

    Investigators said about 32 FIRs were lodged against the deceased at various police stations. They added during his youth, Shahanshah befriended underworld don Shoaib Khan but after the murder of Ibrahim Bholoo, a business partner of Shoaib, Shahanshah had developed differences with Shoaib and left his group. It was suspected that accomplices of Shoaib Khan might have killed Shahanshah. Bilawal House security chief gunned down in Karachi Wednesday, July 23, 2008 By Salis bin Perwaiz http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=16142

    “unquote”

    This too is important to know behind the scene maneuvering:

    “QUOTE”

    SP Aslam was called from Jacobabad, Sindh, in 2004 to Karachi and given a unit called the Industrial Crime Unit (ICU). He was first entrusted with the high-profile assignment of getting hold of elusive and all-powerful underworld don, Shoaib Khan. Aslam, along with his team, managed to arrest Shoaib Khan from Lahore and brought him back to Karachi, where he died in jail. Aslam also killed wanted criminal Siddiq Bucha, an aide of Shoaib Khan in a police encounter. After succeeding in these major assignments, Aslam would get a job that at least seven fellow police officials had failed to succeed in. Lyari, which had become the city’s biggest hub for smuggling, kidnapping and drug-pushing, and a battleground for a violent gang war between two groups – lead by Rehman Dakait and Arshad Pappu, – was a pressing problem for the authorities. SP Aslam finally gets his man Tuesday, August 11, 2009 By By our correspondent Karachi
    http://www.thenews.com.pk/print1.asp?id=192492

    “UNQUOTE”

    Purpose of pasting links was not at all an effort to put salt on someones wounds.

    A senior police official told DawnNews that Lyari gangsters are trying create friction between the Baloch and Urdu speaking communities and the main agenda of the violence to sow their influence in the area. Seven people killed in Karachi violence Thursday, 07 Jan, 2010 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/news/pakistan/metropolitan/06-seven+people-killed-in-karachi-violence-rs-01

    I don’t consider US Diplomat’s visit to 90 as a guaranty or a warning [Read Daily Jang’s Main page 2nd news Anne W Peterson has also said that “she [US] has complete trust on Zardai and Gilani” http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/jan2010-daily/07-01-2010/main.htm Thursday, January 07, 2010, Muharram 20, 1431 A.H] – [My humble opinion is this that USA cannot be trusted because when they have interest they even arrange visit for Taliban to brief US State Deptt. Unocal – Halliburton Oil Pipeline .

    US Diplomats and USA tolerated worst State Operation on MQM from 1992 to 1999 and that is not enough, go through these two important links rather save the text for quote [internet links are often dead] First is prepared by US Homeland Security and Second was by Amnesty International [quoting US State Deptt. and JANE’S DEFENCE]

    Pakistan: Information on Mohajir/Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Altaf (MQM-A)

    Query:

    Provide information on the Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Altaf (MQM-A) in Pakistan. http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/country,,USCIS,,PAK,,414fe5aa4,0.html

    Response:

    SUMMARY

    The Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Altaf (MQM-A) has been widely accused of human rights abuses since its founding two decades ago. It claims to represent Mohajirs— Urdu-speaking Muslims who fled to Pakistan from India after the 1947 partition of the subcontinent, and their descendants.

    In the mid-1990s, the MQM-A was heavily involved in the widespread political violence that wracked Pakistan’s southern Sindh province, particularly Karachi, the port city that is the country’s commercial capital. MQM-A militants fought government forces, breakaway MQM factions, and militants from other ethnic-based movements. In the mid-1990s, the U.S. State Department, Amnesty International, and others accused the MQM-A and a rival faction of summary killings, torture, and other abuses (see, e.g., AI 1 Feb 1996; U.S. DOS Feb 1996). The MQM-A routinely denied involvement in violence.

    BACKGROUND

    The current MQM-A is the successor to a group called the Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM) that was founded by Altaf Hussein in 1984 as a student movement to defend the rights of Mohajirs, who by some estimates make up 60 percent of Karachi’s population of twelve million. At the time, Mohajirs were advancing in business, the professions, and the bureaucracy, but many resented the quotas that helped ethnic Sindhis win university slots and civil service jobs. Known in English as the National Movement for Refugees, the MQM soon turned to extortion and other types of racketeering to raise cash. Using both violence and efficient organizing, the MQM became the dominant political party in Karachi and Hyderabad, another major city in Sindh. Just three years after its founding, the MQM came to power in these and other Sindh cities in local elections in 1987 (AI 1 Feb 1996; U.S. DOS Feb 1997, Feb 1999; HRW Dec 1997).

    The following year, the MQM joined a coalition government at the national level headed by Benazir Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), which took power in elections following the death of military leader General Zia ul-Haq. This marked the first of several times in the 1980s and 1990s that the MQM joined coalition governments in Islamabad or in Sindh province. Meanwhile, violence between the MQM and Sindhi groups routinely broke out in Karachi and other Sindh cities (AI 1 Feb 1996; Jane’s 14 Feb 2003).

    In 1992, a breakway MQM faction, led by Afaq Ahmed and Aamir Khan, launched the MQM Haqiqi (MQM-H), literally the “real” MQM. Many Pakistani observers alleged that the MQM-H was supported by the government of Pakistan to weaken the main MQM led by Altaf Hussein, which became known as the MQM-A (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003). Several smaller MQM factions also emerged, although most of the subsequent intra-group violence involved the MQM-A and the MQM-H (AI 1 Feb 1996; U.S. DOS Feb 1999; Jane’s 14 Feb 2003).

    Political violence in Sindh intensified in 1993 and 1994 (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003). In 1994, fighting among MQM factions and between the MQM and Sindhi nationalist groups brought almost daily killings in Karachi (U.S. DOS Feb 1995). By July 1995, the rate of political killings in the port city reached an average of ten per day, and by the end of that year more than 1,800 had been killed (U.S. DOS Feb 1996).

    The violence in Karachi and other cities began abating in 1996 as soldiers and police intensified their crackdowns on the MQM-A and other groups (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003). Pakistani forces resorted to staged “encounter killings” in which they would shoot MQM activists and then allege that the killings took place during encounters with militants (U.S. DOS Feb 1996). Following a crackdown in 1997, the MQM-A adopted its present name, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement, or United National Movement, which also has the initials MQM (HRW Dec 1997).

    MQM-A leader Hussein fled in 1992 to Britain, where he received asylum in 1999 (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003). The MQM-A is not on the U.S. State Department’s list of foreign terrorist organizations (U.S. DOS 23 May 2003).

    While the multifaceted nature of the violence in Sindh province in the 1980s and 1990s at times made it difficult to pinpoint specific abuses by the MQM-A, the group routinely was implicated in rights abuses. In 1992 after the Sindh government called in the army to crack down on armed groups in the province, facilities were discovered that allegedly were used by the MQM-A to torture and at times kill dissident members and activists from rival groups. In 1996, Amnesty International said that the PPP and other parties were reporting that some of their activists had been tortured and killed by the MQM-A (AI 1 Feb 1996).

    The MQM-A and other factions also have been accused of trying to intimidate journalists. In one of the most flagrant cases, in 1990 MQM leader Hussein publicly threatened the editor of the monthly NEWSLINE magazine after he published an article on the MQM’s alleged use of torture against dissident members (U.S. DOS Feb 1991). The following year, a prominent journalist, Zafar Abbas, was severely beaten in Karachi in an attack that was widely blamed on MQM leaders angered over articles by Abbas describing the party’s factionalization. The same year, MQM activists assaulted scores of vendors selling DAWN, Pakistan’s largest English-language newspaper, and other periodicals owned by Herald Publications (U.S. DOS Feb 1992).

    The MQM-A has also frequently called strikes in Karachi and other cities in Sindh province and used killings and other violence to keep shops closed and people off the streets. During strikes, MQM-A activists have ransacked businesses that remained open and attacked motorists and pedestrians who ventured outside (U.S. DOS Feb 1996; Jane’s 14 Feb 2003).

    The MQM-A allegedly raises funds through extortion, narcotics smuggling, and other criminal activities. In addition, Mohajirs in Pakistan and overseas provide funds to the MQM-A through charitable foundations (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003).

    Since the September 11, 2001 terror attacks on the United States, the MQM-A has been increasingly critical of Islamic militant groups in Pakistan. The MQM-A, which generally has not targeted Western interests, says that it supports the global campaign against terrorism (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003).

    This response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RIC within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.

    References:

    Amnesty International (AI). HUMAN RIGHTS CRISIS IN KARACHI (1 Feb 1996, ASA 33/01/96), http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGASA330011996?open&of=ENG-PAK [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

    Human Rights Watch (HRW). WORLD REPORT 1998, “Pakistan” (Dec 1997), http://www.hrw.org/worldreport/Asia-09.htm#P823_214912 [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

    Jane’s Information Group (Jane’s). JANE’S WORLD INSURGENCY AND TERRORISM-17, “Muthida [sic] Qaumi Movement (MQM-A)” (14 Feb 2003), http://www.janes.com [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

    U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). “Foreign Terrorist Organizations” (23 May 2003), http://www.state.gov/s/ct/rls/fs/2003/12389.htm [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

    U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1998, “Pakistan” (Feb 1999), http://www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/1998_hrp_report/pakistan.html [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

    U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1996, “Pakistan” (Feb 1997), http://www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/1996_hrp_report/pakistan.html [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

    U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1995, “Pakistan” (Feb 1996), http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/democracy/1995_hrp_report/95hrp_report_sasia/Pakistan.html [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

    U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1994, “Pakistan” (Feb 1995), http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/democracy/1994_hrp_report/94hrp_report_sasia/Pakistan.html [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

    U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1991, “Pakistan” (Feb 1992).

    U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1990, “Pakistan” (Feb 1991).

    Attachments:

    Jane’s Information Group (Jane’s). JANE’S WORLD INSURGENCY AND TERRORISM-17, “Muthida [sic] Qaumi Movement (MQM-A)” (14 Feb 2003), http://www.janes.com [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

    Human Rights Crisis in Karachi

    Amnesty International continues to urge the Government of Pakistan to adopt measures to stop the large-scale human rights violations which are regularly reported from Karachi, the capital of Sindh. The organization has received reports of hundreds of cases of unlawful detention, torture, deaths in custody, extrajudicial executions and “disappearances”, mainly in Karachi, but also in other cities of the province. According to official figures, some 1,770 people were killed in Karachi in 1995; these include members of different political parties, law enforcement personnel and apolitical residents of Karachi, including women and children. While law enforcement personnel appear to be responsible for some of these human rights violations, there is strong evidence that armed opposition groups have also perpetrated torture, hostage-taking and killings in Karachi. Amnesty International continues to appeal to armed opposition groups to refrain from abusing the fundamental rights of people in Karachi to life and the security of the person, to end hostage-taking, torture and arbitrary killings. The organization again calls on these groups to observe minimum standards of humanitarian law which forbid such abuses. The high rate of political killings over the last months is strong evidence of the failure of the government’s strategy to protect political activists, journalists and ordinary residents of Karachi from human rights abuses. Indeed, in some cases, those in authority appear to have condoned abuses by some armed opposition groups. Amnesty International believes that the government must act consistently and lawfully to end human rights abuses by armed opposition groups and send a clear signal that all those responsible for such abuses will be brought to justice. The human rights abuses perpetrated by armed opposition groups may never be used by law enforcement personnel as an excuse to ignore national and international human rights safeguards and to commit human rights violations themselves, to torture, kill or to “disappear” people described by the government as “terrorists”. Amnesty International calls on the Government of Pakistan to set up independent and impartial inquiries into every single report of unlawful detention, torture, death in custody, extrajudicial execution and “disappearance” and to ensure that every member of the law enforcement agencies found to be responsible for such human rights violations is brought to justice. Only if the self-perpetuating cycle of violence, in which human rights abuses continue to be perpetrated without punishment and in which impunity facilitates further violations, is broken, can people in Karachi again live in safety and dignity and enjoy their fundamental rights. The present paper first describes the political context in which human rights abuses are committed in Karachi; it then documents reported cases of arbitrary arrest, torture, deaths in custody, extrajudicial executions, “disappearances” allegedly committed by law enforcement personnel and the human rights abuses allegedly perpetrated by armed opposition groups. It also focuses on the lack of protection given to people reporting human rights abuses in Karachi and the impunity enjoyed by perpetrators of human rights abuses. The concluding section sets out Amnesty International’s concerns and its recommendations to the government and to armed opposition groups. The appendix contains an analysis of the government’s responses to a statement issued by Amnesty International on the human rights situation in Karachi in August 1995.

    Human Rights Crisis in Karachi
    While law enforcement personnel appear to be responsible for some of these human rights violations, there is strong evidence that armed opposition groups have also perpetrated torture, hostage-taking and killings in Karachi. Amnesty International continues to appeal to armed opposition groups to refrain from abusing the fundamental rights of people in Karachi to life and the security of the person, to end hostage-taking, torture and arbitrary killings. The organization again calls on these groups to observe minimum standards of humanitarian law which forbid such abuses.

    The high rate of political killings over the last months is strong evidence of the failure of the government’s strategy to protect political activists, journalists and ordinary residents of Karachi from human rights abuses. Indeed, in some cases, those in authority appear to have condoned abuses by some armed opposition groups. Amnesty International believes that the government must act consistently and lawfully to end human rights abuses by armed opposition groups and send a clear signal that all those responsible for such abuses will be brought to justice.

    The human rights abuses perpetrated by armed opposition groups may never be used by law enforcement personnel as an excuse to ignore national and international human rights safeguards and to commit human rights violations themselves, to torture, kill or to “disappear” people described by the government as “terrorists”. Amnesty International calls on the Government of Pakistan to set up independent and impartial inquiries into every single report of unlawful detention, torture, death in custody, extrajudicial execution and “disappearance” and to ensure that every member of the law enforcement agencies found to be responsible for such human rights violations is brought to justice. Only if the self-perpetuating cycle of violence, in which human rights abuses continue to be perpetrated without punishment and in which impunity facilitates further violations, is broken, can people in Karachi again live in safety and dignity and enjoy their fundamental rights.

    The present paper first describes the political context in which human rights abuses are committed in Karachi; it then documents reported cases of arbitrary arrest, torture, deaths in custody, extrajudicial executions, “disappearances” allegedly committed by law enforcement personnel and the human rights abuses allegedly perpetrated by armed opposition groups. It also focuses on the lack of protection given to people reporting human rights abuses in Karachi and the impunity enjoyed by perpetrators of human rights abuses. The concluding section sets out Amnesty International’s concerns and its recommendations to the government and to armed opposition groups. The appendix contains an analysis of the government’s responses to a statement issued by Amnesty International on the human rights situation in Karachi in August 1995.

    1. Introduction
    Amnesty International continues to urge the Government of Pakistan to adopt measures to stop the large scale human rights violations which are regularly reported from Karachi, the capital of Sindh, the southernmost province of Pakistan. The organization has received reports of hundreds of cases of unlawful detention, torture, deaths in custody, extrajudicial executions and “disappearances”, mainly in Karachi, but also to some extent in other cities of Sindh such as Hyderabad, Mirpurkhas and Sukkur. According to official figures, some 1,770 people were killed in 1995 in Karachi alone, Pakistani media speak of over 1,990 killings (around 700 in 1994). The victims include apolitical residents of Karachi, including women and children, law enforcement personnel and members of political parties.

    Deaths in custody and extrajudicial killings are reported from other parts of the country as well; there have been reports of several so-called “encounter” killings (extrajudicial executions after which police declare that the victims have been shot dead in armed clashes) in Punjab in the last few months and the media in Pakistan have extensively covered the recent death of a young Christian in police custody in Hyderabad. However, nowhere have deliberate and arbitrary killings reached as massive a scale as in Karachi.

    While law enforcement personnel appear to be responsible for some of these human rights violations, there is strong evidence that armed opposition groups have also perpetrated torture, hostage-taking and killings in Karachi. The organization continues to appeal to armed opposition groups to refrain from abusing the fundamental right of people in Karachi to life and the security of the person, to end hostage-taking, torture and deliberate and arbitrary killings. The organization again calls on these groups to observe minimum standards of humanitarian law which forbid such abuses.

    Amnesty International believes that the human rights abuses perpetrated by armed opposition groups may never be used as an excuse by government law enforcement personnel to ignore national and international human rights safeguards and to commit human rights violations themselves, to torture, kill or to “disappear” people described by the government as “terrorists”.

    The high rate of political killings over the last months is strong evidence of the failure of the government’s strategy to protect political activists, journalists and ordinary residents of Karachi from such abuses. Indeed, in some cases those in authority appear to have condoned abuses by some armed political groups.

    Amnesty International has carefully monitored the Pakistani press, verified reports as far as possible with lawyers and human rights activists on the ground and spoken to a large number of victims and victims’ families during a visit to Pakistan in December 1995. Many concerned residents in Karachi have directly approached Amnesty International to communicate their experiences, observations and fears. On the basis of the material so collected, Amnesty International once again urges the Government of Pakistan to set up impartial and independent inquiries into every single report of unlawful detention, torture, death in custody, extrajudicial execution and “disappearance” and to ensure that everyone alleged to have been responsible for human rights violations is brought to justice. Only if the self-perpetuating cycle of violence, in which human rights abuses continue to be perpetrated without punishment and in which impunity facilitates further violations, is broken, can people in Karachi again live in safety and dignity and enjoy their fundamental rights.

    The present paper first describes the political context in which human rights abuses are committed in Karachi; it then documents reported cases of arbitrary arrest, torture, extrajudicial executions, “disappearances” and incommunicado detention of political activists allegedly committed by law enforcement personnel and the human rights abuses allegedly perpetrated by armed opposition groups. It also focuses on the lack of protection given to people reporting human rights violations in Karachi and the impunity enjoyed by perpetrators of human rights abuses. The concluding section sets out Amnesty International’s concerns and recommendations to the government and to armed opposition groups. The appendix contains an analysis of the government’s responses to a statement issued by Amnesty International in August 1995.

    Members of Amnesty International in Pakistan do not participate in research on their own country in accordance with rules applicable to Amnesty International’s membership worldwide. They have neither supplied information on human rights abuses in Karachi nor have they assisted in verifying it.

    2. The political context of human rights abuses in Karachi
    The ongoing conflict in Karachi has involved mainly two factions of the Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM, literally National Movement of Refugees), the federal and the provincial governments of different complexions, and to a much lesser extent some other ethnic and religious groupings. Mohajirs (literally: refugees) who are Urdu-speaking Muslims who migrated to Pakistan, mainly Karachi and Hyderabad, during and after the partition of British-India in 1947, and their descendants, quickly advanced in the bureaucracy, business and the professions but felt disadvantaged in relation to ethnic Sindhis by a quota system that secured access to universities and civil services. The earliest political organization of Mohajirs, the All Pakistan Mohajir Student Organization (APMSO) founded in 1978 by Altaf Hussain, evolved into the MQM in 1984. Ethnic and religious divisions in Sindh were exacerbated during the years General Zia-ul Haq was in office (1977 to 1988, of these 1977 to 1985 under martial law) as he used them to suppress and divide democratic opposition to his rule. Ethnic strife between Mohajir and Sindhis who had initially jointly opposed the influx of Punjabis and Pathans into Sindh, rapidly increased in Karachi and Hyderabad from the mid-1980s. The MQM, led by Altaf Hussain, meanwhile consolidated its hold on the Mohajir community.

    In November 1987, the MQM won local body elections in Karachi, Hyderabad and other urban centres in Sindh. Following the death of General Zia in August 1988, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) won the general elections in November 1988; short of an absolute majority, the PPP entered a cooperation agreement with the MQM which enabled it to form the government. In Sindh, the PPP held a majority only in rural areas while the MQM enjoyed a majority in the urban areas. The PPP-MQM alliance in Sindh broke up in October 1989, after which the MQM lent its support to the PPP’s opponents, the Pakistan Muslim League. In early 1990, political violence in urban Sindh increased rapidly; the MQM organized a series of rallies and strikes while the PPP federal government responded with mass arrests and a sweeping “Operation Clean-up” to seize unauthorized arms. In May 1990, the law enforcement agencies raided the Pucca Qila area of Hyderabad, inhabited mainly by Mohajirs, after cutting off essential supplies for three days. In the ensuing clashes some 100 people, mostly Mohajirs, died, including women and children who had protested against the stoppage of water supplies. Ethnic violence flared up after this incident throughout Sindh; calm only returned gradually after the army was called in and curfew was imposed.

    In general elections in October 1990, following the dismissal of the PPP government in August, the MQM again emerged as the third strongest party in the country. It entered an alliance with the Pakistan Muslim League of Nawaz Sharif both at the federal level and in Sindh.

    In the early 1990s, a small faction of the MQM, the MQM Haqiqi (literally: the “real” MQM, short MQM(H), led by Afaq Ahmed, left the main body of the MQM, the MQM (A for Altaf). According to many commentators in Pakistan, this faction was supported by successive federal governments and the military to weaken the main MQM.

    Responding to chronic unrest in the province, the Sindh Government in mid-1992 called in the army to assist police in restoring law and order. While the operation was in the first few weeks concentrated on the rural areas of Sindh, its focus shifted from 19 June 1992 to Karachi and Hyderabad where the army claimed it sought to eliminate “terrorists” of any political group. The MQM(A) viewed the operation as an attempt to wipe out the party altogether. Raids on MQM(A) strongholds were believed to have been conducted with the help of the MQM(H) and frequently MQM(H) members were reported to have abducted, tortured and killed people in the presence, with the connivance and perhaps with the participation of members of the law enforcement agencies. Torture cells allegedly maintained by the MQM(A) were discovered in which party members were alleged to have tortured and sometimes killed dissidents and members of other parties. At this stage, 12 of 15 MQM(A) members in the National Assembly and 24 of 27 MQM (A) members of the Sindh Provincial Assembly resigned in protest against the army operation.

    The MQM(A) boycotted general elections in October 1993 claiming systematic intimidation by the army. It participated in provincial elections in Sindh a few days later and secured 27 seats while the PPP with 56 seats won an outright majority. The MQM(H) did not gain any parliamentary seats either at the federal or the provincial level.

    In late November 1994, the army was withdrawn from law enforcement duties in Sindh; however the paramilitary Rangers were reinforced and specially trained police were inducted.

    The killings, abductions and “disappearances” reported in the last months from Karachi have occurred in the context of an ongoing struggle between the two factions of the MQM and a government campaign to restore law and order, implemented by police and the paramilitary Rangers. While in 1994, fighting between Shia and Sunni political groups also led to deliberate and arbitrary killings, these have considerably reduced in recent months. Ordinary criminals also appear to use the prevailing atmosphere of fear and intimidation to pursue their own criminal ends and to commit abductions and killings in the shadow of political violence.

    The government holds the MQM(A) responsible for most of the human rights abuses perpetrated in Karachi, while conversely the MQM(A) has declared that the government is attempting to crush the MQM(A) as an organized political force by unlawfully detaining its workers, torturing and extrajudicially killing them, forcing them to change their political allegiance and perpetrating crimes for which the MQM(A) is then held responsible. Despite mutual accusations, the government and the MQM(A) in July 1995 began talks to reach a political solution to end the crisis in Karachi. The MQM(A) has presented a charter of 18 demands, including the unconditional withdrawal of criminal charges against its workers, and the holding of a census and local body elections in Sindh. The government’s 21 conditions include demands that the MQM(A) publicly renounce violence, surrender illicit arms and wanted activists.

    While these proposals and counter-proposals are being negotiated, the daily violence in the streets of Karachi continues unabated. Many people fear to leave their homes and to send their children to school; armoured personnel carriers patrol the streets in embattled parts of Karachi and paramilitary Rangers man sandbag bunkers at important road junctions. Cultural and recreational activities in Karachi have come to a standstill. Doctors and psychologists have told Amnesty International that the incidence of psychosomatic diseases and suicides as a result of tension and fear are on the rise in Karachi.

    The monthly political journal Newsline has begun to publish a “Death File”, listing daily killings in Karachi: Randomly chosen entries, the first for 4 August , the second for 6 August read:

    “A former student activist was killed on main University Road. Police found mutilated bodies in the boot of a car in Gulbahar with a note attached … saying ‘Revenge for Farooq Dada’s murder”. The corpse of a policeman’s son, who had been kidnapped earlier, was found in a gunny bag in Nishtar Road. The corpse of a Haqiqi activist was found in New Karachi and a bullet-riddled corpse was found in Azizabad. Two corpses were also found near Usmaabad Memorial Hospital. Another bullet-riddled body was found in Orangi Town. Daily toll: 8; monthly toll since 24 July: 107″.

    “Two MQM workers were killed in Federal B area. The corpse of an Haqiqi activist was found in the Old Exhibition Area. Three bullet-riddled bodies were found in Orangi Extension. Two bullet-riddled bodies were found in Mominabad. A five-year-old boy was shot dead by a stray bullet in Rasheedabad. The body of a young electrician was found in Karimabad and another corpse was found inKorangi. A 35-year-old man who had earlier been kidnapped, was killed in Khawaja Ajmer Nagri. Daily toll: 12, monthly toll since 24 July: 128”.

    The present deterioration of the human rights situation is attributed by observers to several factors. The government has expressed its determination to restore law and order in Karachi and in this context has called upon police to use “ruthlessness” and to shoot “terrorists” on sight (see below government statements on the human rights situation). The police appear to have been tempted to use harsher, and sometimes unlawful methods in dealing with armed opposition groups who have targeted law enforcement personnel, killing some 195 in 1995. A government official told Amnesty International in December 1995 that police who are often recruited from the rural areas, “have been given a gun but don’t understand human rights or the urban situation. If one of their colleagues is killed then it becomes a matter of honour to kill the attacker”. Amnesty International was also told that the slowness of the judicial process (in mid-1995 some 23,000 cases were reportedly pending in the Sindh High Court) and the ease with which criminal suspects can obtain bail to return to the criminal underground or buy witnesses, as well as the lack of witness protection measures, has led police officers to take the law into their own hands.

    Armed opposition groups may be resorting to more violent means as many of their leaders are dead, in hiding or in detention. Many commentators, not necessarily sympathetic to the MQM, have pointed out that the human rights violations and the harassment to which Mohajirs and MQM members are subjected, alienate them further and may drive young Mohajirs to extremism. An article in the daily Dawn of 7 July 1995 describes how Esa, a student wearing a black shirt to peacefully protest against the operation in Karachi, was picked up, beaten and abused by Rangers at his university in Karachi; he said, “while being beaten I told them that one day I will take my revenge”.

    The government’s heavy-handed searches of troubled neighbourhoods in which many innocent citizens are humiliated, arrested and made to pay bribes to be released, has antagonized Mohajirs. Amnesty International has been told by many Mohajirs in Karachi that having seen their relatives blind-folded, beaten and often taken away to unknown places of detention has left them bitter; some women have reported that they are encouraging their sons to avenge arbitrary killings of family members by law enforcement personnel. “Ruthless and indiscriminate use of force and extra-judicial killings have swelled the ranks of Karachi’s frustrated and angry youth who will continue to supply recruits to the militants” (Newsline, August 1995). Altaf Hussain has warned that the MQM may not be able to control its members: “I warn that if the government is not stopped from pushing the Mohajir nation to the wall, then a time may come when people will lose their patience and take the law in their hands, and a civil war may arise” (Financial Times, 16 October 1995). Some observers have told Amnesty International that the MQM leadership may already have lost control over some of the militant youth groups of the party. But links of communication would seem to exist; some former prisoners have told Amnesty International that during their detention they were told by fellow prisoners belonging to the MQM that they continued to receive instructions directly from London, where Altaf Hussain lives.

    The present levels of human rights abuses would not have been possible without a glut of arms in the city. Pakistan’s position as a frontline state in the Cold War confrontation in Afghanistan meant that it became a conduit for millions of dollars worth of sophisticated weapons; once the Soviet forces withdrew, many of these weapons found their way into the open markets in Pakistan at a fraction of their original cost, enabling every group to acquire as much armament as it thought necessary. A study published by the Centre for Defence Studies, University of London, observes that “violence across Karachi reached unprecedented levels prior to the intervention of the army in 1992. Modern weapons, such as assault rifles, were carried openly by party activists from all quarters, especially during political demonstrations, and large stockpiles were accumulated by the warring factions in open defiance of the authority of the state. … Several pundits from Karachi agree that the dramatic increase in violence and polarisation dates from 1985/86, the time when weapons from the Afghan pipeline began to find their way into commercial channels. … Modern and relatively sophisticated arms, especially the Kalashnikov, began to appear throughout the region in the mid-1980s … Ammunition is also freely available in rural and urban areas and sold by the kilo.”[1]

    Armed political groups have used increasingly heavy weapons in Karachi. Since May 1995, rocket launchers have been used which fire rocket-propelled grenades; according to some estimates there are around 100,000 automatic assault weapons in the hands of armed groups.

    3. Human rights violations in Karachi and other urban centres of Sindh
    In its report of June 1995 on the situation in Karachi, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) said that it had found the residents of Karachi

    “traumatized by the terror to an extent beyond anything HRCP had noticed during its earlier Sindh probes. Unlike the previous experience, when witnesses had been willing to go on record publicly, many of those interviewed in Karachi were reluctant to disclose in its entirety what they had gone through or what they knew about the plight of their fellow-citizens. Nearly all of them were extremely bitter about the violent tactics of the different political factions and the lawlessness they alleged the law-enforcing and intelligence agencies were indulging in. Their anger at having been deprived of their basic rights — to security of life, to the right of peaceful economic activity, to the protection of law, to a fair judicial redress of grievances, and to participation in democratic governance — was matched only by their feeling of utter despondency.”

    Amnesty International agrees with this description. When an Amnesty International delegation visited Karachi in December 1995, people told it that they feared for their lives from attacks by militants, and that their trust in the law enforcement agencies to protect them and in the judiciary to provide redress, was severely eroded. They were particularly reluctant to report human rights abuses perpetrated by armed political groups. Many people only dared do so from the perceived security of their party’s offices. Amnesty International is aware that such reports may not be entirely objective. It has in fact come across instances in which victims of human rights violations were incorrectly described as members by a particular party in order to create the impression that that party was the target of violations or abuses by another group or the government. However, Amnesty International also contacted a large number of people through non-party channels to obtain independent testimonies.

    In the highly politicised climate of Karachi, the truth is difficult to establish with certainty by any human rights organization and Amnesty International therefore reiterates its call to the Government of Pakistan to set up independent and impartial judicial investigations of every reported human rights violation with a view to bringing perpetrators to justice.

    3.1. Arbitrary arrests
    The practice of arresting family members of wanted men to put pressure on them to surrender or to punish them, documented in the past by Amnesty International, was reported to persist. For instance, Shazia Farooq, the widow of Farooq Putney who was killed on 2 August 1995 in an alleged “encounter” with police, was arrested on the same day; seven months pregnant, she was allegedly taken to Islamabad and her whereabouts remained unknown for several weeks. She was later declared by official sources to be held in “protective custody”. On 12 August 1995, the Crime Investigation Agency (CIA) arrested two MQM workers against whom they claimed charges were pending, along with their wives and a brother-in-law from their home in Pathan Colony in Karachi. The women were released after several days.

    The wife and six-week-old baby son of an MQM fugitive were detained in Nazimabad for two days in August to force him to surrender. Similarly the father-in-law of a wanted person, Ali Mohammad Sonara, vice-president of the PPP (SB) of Benazir Bhutto’s brother Murtaza Bhutto, was arrested on 25 June 1995 and detained for several weeks; according to the PPP(SB), 65-year-old Mohammad Umer had not been involved in any criminal offence and was detained without charge solely to force his son-in-law to surrender.

    Hundreds of residents have reportedly been arbitrarily arrested during cordon-and- search operations in Karachi in the past months. During such raids, reportedly conducted without search warrants and without declaring curfew, homes were ransacked and looted and the young men of the locality rounded up. Most were released within a few hours or days, if there were no charges against them. Legal safeguards relating to detention and interrogation were usually not observed: arrests were not recorded and remand was not obtained from magistrates. An elderly man told Amnesty International that several hundred people in his locality in North Nazimabad were rounded up in August and taken in trucks to the local Rangers headquarters. They had to wait for several hours before they were made to walk before a window in which masked informers scrutinized the detainees. Most were released in the evening.

    Family members were usually not informed of the whereabouts of people taken away during raids; when habeas corpus petitions were filed in the High Court, the detaining authorities sometimes resorted to the practice of transferring prisoners from police station to police station under a series of so-called “blind FIRs”. These are First Information Reports filed with police which do not name criminal suspects and which can be abused to remand anyone to police custody for up to 14 days. Once a suspect is found innocent with respect to a specific charge, he can be transferred to another police station under another charge, resulting in prolonged untried detention. An unknown number of people continue to be held in Karachi at any one time. The non-governmental organization War Against Rape (WAR) in August 1995 expressed “outrage” at the growing number of complaints of women unlawfully arrested and harassed during cordon-and-search operations in Karachi, particularly in the Liaquatabad and Korangi areas of the city. It said that the number of women victims of harassment was on the increase and that women were being held “without judicial authority” and “without family members being present” as required by the law.

    The government indirectly acknowledged the practice of arbitrarily arresting citizens when it announced in June 1995 in an effort to regain the confidence of the people that “henceforth the law enforcement agencies would not make indiscriminate arrests and haul up only those who are criminals and indulging in arson and terrorist activities” (Dawn, 6 June 1995). The Director-General of the Rangers in Sindh, General M. Mushtaq, told the HRCP in mid-1995 that there was no other way to arrest wanted offenders than to round up large numbers and screen them.

    Amnesty International regards people arrested instead of their wanted family members as prisoners of conscience, that is prisoners arrested solely for their political beliefs, association or kinship ties who have not used or advocated violence. Minister of State for Law, Raza Rabbani’s statement to the press in Islamabad on 19 August 1995 that there are no prisoners of conscience in Pakistan is not borne out by the reports cited above which are confirmed by a large number of independent sources.

    3.2. Torture and deaths in custody
    Torture, ill-treatment and intimidation of prisoners and detainees in the custody of the police continued to be frequently reported in Karachi. During cordon-and-search operations, people were driven out of their homes in hundreds, blindfolded, loaded onto trucks and interrogated in official or unofficial detention places. The detained persons are known to have included boys as young as 12 and old men. Women were less frequently detained, but during search operations they are reported to have been verbally abused and threatened, robbed of their jewellery and other personal or household possessions and forced to pay ransoms for their release. On 31 August MQM woman worker Seema Zarin, aged 28, was reportedly arrested along with her father by police from their home in Nazimabad and repeatedly beaten and kicked, threatened and verbally abused for 18 hours in the custody of the Crime Investigation Agency (CIA) centre in Civil Lines, Karachi. She said upon her release that she had been blindfolded and beaten and kicked by two women constables, and then beaten on her back with a belt by a police officer while she was interrogated about MQM activities and activists. The Director-General of the Rangers in Sindh, General M. Mushtaq, told an investigating team of the HRCP that “suspects had to be blindfolded to protect the informers and witnesses” (HRCP report, June 1995).

    On 30 May 1995, several newspapers in Pakistan carried reports and photographs of four MQM activists who were produced in court blindfolded and with what they claimed to be cigarette burn marks on their arms and legs and several other injuries. The four men had reportedly been arrested from their homes on 6 May by police from New Karachi police station; on the following day, an MQM member of parliament had approached the Director General of Police to have their arrest recorded but police denied holding them. The four young men were brought before a magistrate on 28 May. On 29 May they were brought blindfolded before a Special Court for the Suppression of Terrorist Activities. They told newspaper correspondents that they had been kept naked in various interrogation centres, blindfolded for days together, given little foodand subjected to torture to reveal the whereabouts of MQM leaders. Mohammad Shahid, a textile industry worker, was reported as saying: “They forced us to stand during the daytime. In the nights they hung me upside down and gave a severe beating. … I was kept blind-folded and was also shifted to an unknown interrogation centre where I was kept for six days.” Jamil Ahmed, who had injuries on legs and hips, reportedly said: “We don’t know who interrogated us as we were blindfolded. They beat us mercilessly to obtain information about the underground party leaders and workers” (Dawn, 30 May 1995). Police claimed that the four men had been arrested only three days earlier after an “encounter” and that they were bandits. Government officials told Amnesty International that the men had inflicted these wounds on themselves to implicate the government in human rights violations. The presiding judge on 28 May reportedly ordered the four men to be sent to judicial custody and to be given medical treatment. Instead, police reportedly returned them to the police station.

    Amnesty International has been told by several MQM workers in Karachi and Hyderabad that they were detained and tortured until their families paid money for their release. Torture of criminal suspects or political prisoners with intent to extract money from concerned family members is frequently reported in Pakistan. The frequency with which people believed to be MQM members, or to be closely associated with MQM members, are subjected to torture and extortion suggests that police assume that they can do so with impunity.

    An MQM activist in Hyderabad [name, date and location withheld] reported to Amnesty International that he was arrested in mid-November 1995 and taken to a police station where he was made to undress and to squat. His ankles and wrists were then tied together with a rope and a wooden stick passed between them. The stick was then supported by two chairs so that he hung upside down, suspended by wrists and ankles. His bare buttocks were then hit with leather belts. Police officers cursorily asked about activities of his party. They then threatened to make him impotent by hitting his genitals and to implicate him in a criminal case if his family did not pay ransom for his release. When his family complied, he was released. No criminal charge had been brought against him. The name of the Station House Officer (SHO) who supervised this man’s torture and took the ransom money was mentioned to Amnesty International by several other victims of torture, lawyers and journalists in Hyderabad, yet no action appears to have been taken against him.

    Amnesty International has received several dozen reports over the last few months of people who have died in the custody of the police, allegedly as a result of torture.

    The circumstances of the death of Aslam Sabzwari, a former MQM councillor, in police custody on 7 July 1995 remain unclear. According to the MQM, Sabzwari was arrested at around 1.30 pm of 6 July by plain clothed members of the law enforcement agencies outside the National Registration Office in Nazimabad in Karachi. The MQM immediately sent appeals for help to the President and other authorities while expressing fear for the detained man’s life. The District Commissioner of District Central at 3.30pm reportedly confirmed the arrest and assured MQM leaders that nothing untoward would happen to him. Sabzwari was apparently interrogated in the Special Investigation Cell in the Federal B area of Karachi. At 9am of 7 July, his body was taken for a post-mortem examination in Jinnah Post Graduate Medical Hospital. Doctors there reportedly stated that the body bore torture marks. Around 5pm of the same day, the body was taken by an ambulance of the Edhi Foundation to its centre in Sohrab Goth where it was routinely photographed. Edhi volunteers stated that the body bore a wound on the left side and that the left eye was smashed, possibly by a gunshot which pierced the back of the skull. The injury to the eye is visible on the photograph taken in the Edhi Centre and published in Dawn of 11 July. A human rights activist who saw the body in the Edhi Centre confirmed that the left eye of the deceased was torn through and that his body bore numerous injuries.

    According to the police account, Aslam Sabzwari was arrested in the night of 6 July by police of District Central police station in Liaquatabad. Police said that at that time he had already been tortured by unidentified men and accordingly bore torture marks. They stated that they took him to Gulberg police station where he registered a complaint but in the process suffered a heart attack and died early in the morning of 7 July on the way to hospital. In subsequent communications, including to the Secretary General of the UN on 10 September 1995, the government stated that “Altaf group terrorists like … Aslam Sabzwari … got killed” in “encounters with police” when they “engaged law enforcement personnel in shootouts”, despite earlier claims that he had died of a heart attack.

    On 10 July, police released a photo of the body which they claimed had been taken before the post mortem examination; it does not show any marks of torture, and both eyes are intact. A “clarification” issued by the police stated that “both eyes of deceased … Aslam Sabzwari were intact when his dead body was taken to hospital for post mortem. … after the post mortem, one eye … appears to have been removed with mala fide intentions and to create mischief under circumstances which are being investigated by the local police” (Dawn, 11 July 1995). Police sources said that Sabzwari had been involved in the murder of 11 people, the injury of 18 others and the kidnapping of six people. There were over 30 charges pending against him and he reportedly carried a reward of Rupees 1.5m on his head.

    It remains unclear why Sabzwari, if he was already injured at the time of arrest, was not taken for medical treatment right away; moreover, it is puzzling why the police photograph does not show any marks of injuries if, as police claimed, he was already injured when arrested. Furthermore, the Edhi volunteers’ statement and the photo taken by them contradict the official version of events. Many observers in Karachi believe that Sabzwari may have been held and tortured by the MQM Haqiqi and that police captured him to obtain the reward on his head. The inconsistencies in the official version of events and the fact that Sabzwari’s arrest early in the afternoon of 6 July was officially confirmed strongly suggest that Aslam Sabzwari died after being tortured in police custody. It is conceivable, however, that some of the injuries seen on the dead body were inflicted after his death. Medical practitioners in Karachi have told Amnesty International that some doctors working in hospitals are themselves members of political parties and may sometimes inflict injuries on dead bodies to serve their parties’ purposes.

    The Sindh government ordered an inquiry into the circumstances of Sabzwari’s death, to be conducted by a Sub-divisional Magistrate. It is not known if a report has been issued, or if any police officer has been held responsible for the death.

    The available evidence strongly suggests that the death of Tariq Hussain Rizvi in judicial custody on 1 September 1995 resulted from beating inflicted earlier in police custody. Rizvi, a young MQM worker, was reportedly arrested by police in the early afternoon of 16 August 1995 and taken to CIA (Crime Investigation Agency) Jamshed Quarters police station in Karachi. Rizvi’s arrest, witnessed by Ayazuddin, an executive engineer of the Public Works Department and his wife, in whose house he was arrested, was reported in the national newspapers. According to an affidavit of Rizvi’s mother, Shahnaz Begum, police did not show a warrant of arrest. On hearing of her son’s arrest, she visited the CIA Centre almost daily to contact her son but was never permitted to see him. Rizvi also did not have access to a lawyer or medical officer. Fearing for her son’s life, Shahnaz Begum on 22 August sent telegrams to the highest authorities in Pakistan urging them to ensure her son’s safety. On 25 August she was given her son’s bloodstained clothes to wash. Shahnaz Begum filed a habeas corpus petition which came up for hearing on 31 August in the Karachi High Court. The state authorities reportedly sought more time to reply to questions relating to his whereabouts. Meanwhile, magistrates repeatedly issued orders remanding Rizvi to police custody and on 30 and 31 August to jail custody.

    On 30 August Tariq Hassan Rizvi was apparently taken to Karachi Central Jail. Prison authorities reportedly told Rizvi’s mother that they had refused to take Rizvi into custody on account of his many injuries. According to Shahnaz Begum, the matter was referred to the Home Department of the Sindh Government which directed the jail authorities to take Rizvi into their custody on 31 August. On the same day the TV news bulletin again reported his arrest by police on that day. He apparently died in jail on 1 September 1995. Early in the morning of 2 September 1995, Shahnaz Begum was informed that her son had died and that his dead body was to be collected from the Edhi organization which receives, cleans and, if unidentified, buries dead bodies.

    A forensic expert who examined the autopsy report issued by the Jinnah Post Graduate Medical Centre and the photos of the dead body said: “As there was no natural disease of any significance found on this victim, the possibility remains that he may have choked on his own vomit following a beating, especially if unconscious or stuporous from a head injury. Although there is no fractured skull or brain damage, the presence of quite extensive bruising under the scalp indicates that he had several severe blows on the head which could easily have caused unconsciousness. … Thus it follows that death was due to the injuries and although the mechanism of death is obscure, it is quite possible that he choked on regurgitated stomach contents, either whilst unconscious or semi-conscious, or merely as a result of severe assault, which might include a blow on the stomach.” The autopsy report lists 26 injuries and states that they were inflicted between 12-24 hours to 10 days before Rizvi’s death. Since Rizvi was arrested 17 days before his death, it appears to conclusively follow that he died of the consequences of beatings inflicted in police custody.

    A few weeks later, on 26 September 1995, Feroze Uddin, another MQM worker from North Karachi who had reportedly been arrested on 19 September and remanded in police custody for a week on charges of assault on public servants, was brought by police and Rangers before a judge of a Special Court for the Suppression of Terrorist Activities. The presiding judge, Mohammad Akber, reportedly commented on the numerous injuries visible on the body of Feroze Uddin. These included swellings in his face and chest where hair had been pulled out and marks of beating. Feroze Uddin reportedly told his lawyer that the injuries had been inflicted by the Rangers. The judge reportedly ordered Feroze Uddin to be transferred to judicial rather than police custody; he also directed that Feroze Uddin should be given adequate medical care. It appears that these orders were ignored as his family could not find him in the jail to which he was to have been transferred. Feroze Uddin died on 28 or 29 September, together with two other MQM workers arrested earlier, Parvez Akhter Qureshi and Mohammad Ali, of gun shot injuries inflicted in an alleged “encounter” with police. According to official accounts, Feroze Uddin and another MQM worker were taken to New Karachi to identify other suspects when armed militants opened fire and killed both the prisoners as well as two pedestrians. A judicial inquiry into these deaths by a sub-divisional magistrate was established but does not appear to have concluded its investigation or to have published its findings.

    Some prisoners reportedly died in police custody, allegedly after torture, even after their families had sought their release by paying the required bribe. Sayeed Hassan was reportedly arrested without charge on 12 December 1995 in New Karachi and taken to Buffer Zone police station. When his brother-in-law saw Sayeed Hassan being beaten by police in the police station, he agreed to provide 70,000 Rupees as demanded by the SHO. The sum was handed over to police on 15 December but police said they would not hand Sayeed Hassan over till swellings on his body would subside. On 21 December, his younger brother Jamil, who used to take meals to the police station for Sayeed Hassan, was told that his brother had died on 16 December. Family members reported that his body bore numer

  • MORE FACTS BEHIND KARACHI KILLINGS:

    After Benazir Bhutto’s Assassination!

    KARACHI: Where were Rangers during recent riots? By Sabihuddin Ghausi January 03, 2008
    http://www.dawn.com/2008/01/03/local7.htm
    Disappearance of police and Rangers from streets and roads after devastating bomb blasts and target killings in Karachi has become a routine feature during the last few years. Motorists, shopkeepers, petrol pumps and the public on roads become easy target of armed assailants, who come from nowhere and disappear after completing their mission.

    The Rangers have been in the metropolis for over two decades now. Their performance can be described as patchy at best; they have also been criticised for standing aside when a deteriorating law and order situation has caused trouble to flare in the city. The Rangers’ commercial activities have also drawn censure. Police reform and de-weaponising Karachi are the key to peace in the metropolis, not sweeping powers for the Rangers. Sweeping powers
    Dawn Editorial Wednesday, 06 Jan, 2010 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/news/pakistan/metropolitan/19-sweeping-powers-hh-03

    As the government plans to give sweeping powers to Rangers, including the authority to arrest and detain suspects involved in violence for up to 90 days, security and legal experts see the move as an attempt to create a parallel police system in violation of the rules, with human rights activists questioning the role of the paramilitary force in maintaining law and order in the city. A couple of days ago, the government had revealed its plan to give more powers to the Rangers deployed under the Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA), allowing the paramilitary force to arrest anyone involved in violence and detain him for up to 90 days. The proposal emerged a few days after a bomb blast ripped through the main Ashura procession on M.A. Jinnah Road, killing more than 40 people and leading to arson attacks that destroyed more than 2,000 shops. I. A. Rehman, secretary general Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, sees no role for the “security forces” in settled urban areas in any capacity. He also questions the performance of the Rangers during almost two decades in brining peace to the city. “They have been trained to kill the enemy. And with this approach one can’t handle the responsibility of a civil institution like police,” he said. “They have not been very much effective in their assigned role so far in the city, and there is no justification for enhancing their powers.” Proposed powers for Rangers draw criticism By Imran Ayub Thursday, 07 Jan, 2010

    http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/local/16-proposed-powers-for-rangers-draw-criticism-710-hs-01

  • Another reason for this violence:

    Death of a social activist By Ardeshir Cowasjee Sunday, 15 Nov, 2009 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/columnists/death-of-a-social-activist-519

    “Nisar Baloch understandably became a thorn in the side of the land-grabbing mafia, reportedly backed by influential ethnic and political parties of the city. Ironically, he had addressed a press conference only a day before he was murdered where he highlighted the issue in detail and pinpointed (perhaps fatally) the forces lending administrative and political support to the illegal occupation of the land of Gutter Baghicha. Importantly, Nisar Baloch had criticised both the MQM and PPP in equal measure, the former for complicity in coercion and the latter for its expedient tardiness. The Sindh chief minister had slapped a ban on the disposal and leasing of plots by the city government in July 2009. The ban was challenged by Nazim Mustafa Kamal but this public interest matter was settled out of court as if it was a compoundable dispute.”

    Gutter Baghicha over the years Sunday, November 08, 2009
    By Shahid Husain Karachi – Nisar Baloch, a resident of Old Golimar and an activist endeavouring to save Gutter Bagicha, was gunned down in cold blood near his house on Saturday morning. On Friday, he addressed a news conference at the Karachi Press Club on an issue that he was extremely passionate about: saving Gutter Bagicha Park for the beneficial use of the hundreds of thousands of poor people who lived in the congested vicinity. Gutter Baghicha, situated at Manghopir Road, was originally spread over 1,016 acres, but has being encroached upon by citizens, government officials and the land mafia since long.
    http://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=207306

  • WHO IS INTERESTED IN PPP-MQM CLASH?

    Both PPP AND MQM have no shame because more than 100 people have died since last many days they have been screaming loudly and leveling allegation against each other of loot and plunder and killing on TV Channels to pollute the already polluted abd bleeding country. MQM MPs ready to sit in Opposition Updated at: 1704 PST, Saturday, January 09, 2010 http://www.geo.tv/1-9-2010/56579.htm Malik says conspiracy being hatched to create PPP-MQM rift Saturday, January 09, 2010 http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=26566

    In 2007 MQM Leader Mr. Altaf Hussain proposed Zardari as presidential candidate. Both have no worries and they are least bothered about the miseries of poor people , back breaking poverty, lawlessness, joblessness, unemployment, 45% living below poverty line and what not and now in 2009 they are back to the DIRTY, FILTHY AND TREACHEROUS POLITICS OF 90s. SHAME ON ALL OF YOU.

    پاکستان کے صوبہ سندھ کے صوبائی وزیر برائے داخلہ ڈاکٹر ذوالفقار مرزا نے کہا ہے کہ متحدہ قومی موومنٹ کے کارکنوں اور رہنماؤں پر دائر ساڑھے تین ہزار مقدمات فراڈ کے ذریعےختم کیے گئے ہیں اور چیف جسٹس افتخار محمد چودھری اس کا از خود نوٹس لیں۔

    ’متحدہ کے مقدمات فراڈ سے ختم کیے گئے‘

    ریاض سہیل
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، کراچ
    http://www.bbc.co.uk/urdu/pakistan/2009/11/091126_zilfikarmirza_mqm_rh.shtml

    Scrutiny of the nomination papers would be conducted on Thursday August 28 at the election commission secretariat by the returning officer Justice (eetd) Qazi Muhammad Farooq. Talking to the media outside the election commission office, MQM deputy convener Farooq Sattar said his party has supported PPP Co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari’s candidature for office of the president unconditionally.
    Farooq Sattar said the MQM has supported Zardari just for the cause of democracy and wanted same backing from its former government ally the PML-Q. “A decision on our participation in the ruling coalition is up to the discretion of the allies,” he added. The MQM leader said the political and economic stability should be major priority of all democratic forces as the country was passing through defining circumstances. “MQM chief Altaf Hussain has also appealed to our old ally Mian Nawaz Sharif to review his decision,” Farooq Sattar said. REFERENCE:
    http://elections.com.pk/newsdetails.php?id=657
    Nominations filed for president
    Wednesday, August 27, 2008 (14:26 PST)

    MQM to support Zardari for presidential slot: Altaf

    Monday, August 25, 2008 By By our correspondent
    Karachi

    http://thenews.jang.com.pk/print1.asp?id=131868

    The coordination committee of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) Rabita Committee will support Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) Co-Chairman Asif Ali Zardari for the presidential slot, MQM Founder and Chief Altaf Hussain said Sunday. Addressing a general workers’ meeting at the office of the Khidmat-e-Khalq Foundation (KKF), Altaf asked workers whether they approved the decision of the Rabita Committee. The huge gathering endorsed the decision. He also appealed to the Haq Parast people of Punjab to support Zardari and urged Pakistan Muslim League – Nawaz (PML-N) President Nawaz Sharif to support Zardari for his presidential election and avoid confrontation.

    Hussain said that the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam – Fazlur Rehman (JUI-F) and the Awami National Party (ANP) had also announced to support Zardari, who was at the moment the most suitable candidate as his wife had given her life for the restoration of democracy. Benazir Bhutto’s father and brother also sacrificed their lives for democracy, Hussain said. He asked Sharif to avoid any kind of crisis as the need of the hour at the moment was to remain united. Hussain said that after he had extended support to Zardari it was being given an ethnic colour and the PML-N had started opposing the idea.

    Referring to sectarian clashes in D.I. Khan and Parachinar, Hussain said that the MQM could play the role of mediator and bring closer various religious scholars for creating harmony among different sects. He paid tribute to the law-enforcement agencies who are trying to control the highly tense situation in D.I. Khan and Parachinar. He lauded the role of the Adviser to the Prime Minister for Interior Rehman Malik for arranging food and shelter for those people who had migrated. Hussain referred to his past speeches and said they were given a wrong impression and said the MQM was neither against the Pakhtoons nor the ANP. The MQM is against Talibanisation, Hussain said. He stressed that the party would never allow Talibanisation in Sindh, including Karachi as Sindh was the land of Sufis and citizens of this province were peace-loving. He said the people of Karachi were against extremism and any kind of terrorism. He asked the Pakhtoons and the ANP to not get provoked as the MQM was not against them.He also appealed to the well-to-do people to donate generously zakat, fitra and other donations in Ramazan to Khidmat-e-Khalq Foundation (KKF) as this organisation was helping the needy. Hussain’s address from London was simultaneously telecast in 19 cities of Pakistan. A KKF board of trustees was also formed and Dr Farooq Sattar was named its Secretary
    General.

  • THOSE WHO ARE INTERESTED IN PPP-MQM CLASH?

    JI welcomes Altaf’s advise to President to resign Updated at: 2006 PST, Monday, November 02, 2009

    LAHORE: Amir of Jamat-e-Islami (JI) Syed Munawar Hassan has welcomed the advice by Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) Chief Altaf Hussain to President Asif Ali Zardari to resign.

    Talking to media here on Monday, Syed Munawar Hassan said the whole nation is evidently against the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO). He said JI too will soon embark on a country-wide movement against NRO.

    He hoped that the Parliament, respecting the views of the people, will reject NRO and not stop this issue from being pushed into the court.

    http://www.geo.tv/11-2-2009/52265.htm

    Which Journalists are interested in PPP-MQM Clash?

    The key indicators now out in the open include the shocking debacle for PPP on the NRO; the somersault of the MQM to oppose the NRO; a direct demand by Mr Altaf Hussain asking President Zardari to resign; The contours of a changed, unwritten script Situationer By Shaheen Sehbai Wednesday, November 04, 2009 http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=25365

    and Raud Klasra in Jang

    http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/nov2009-daily/04-11-2009/main3.htm

    More clues on those who want PPP-MQM Clash to serve their selfish interest [Yaani Aag Laga Kar Tamasha Dekhaian]

    Hamid Mir openly against MQM (Altaf’s Speech in Dehli)
    http://www.insaf.pk/Forum/tabid/53/forumid/1/tpage/1/view/topic/postid/62738/Default.aspx#62738

    Read it yourself as to how “Fast and Very Quickly” these TV ANCHORS [How correct Mr Mustafa Kamal was when he said “La’anat Hai Aisay TV Anchors par – Curse upon such TV Anchors]

    Just compare two articles on Mr. Altaf Hussain by same Hamid Mir to know as to lowlife this Hamid Mir is that in first article he almost declared that Altaf Hussain is a Saint and in the second article Hamid Mir declared that ALTAF HUSSAIN IS ANTI-PAKISTAN.

    Three Milion Dollor Man by Hamid Mir
    http://www.pkcolumns.com/2009/10/26/three-milion-dollor-man-by-hamid-mir/
    Hamid Mir openly against MQM (Altaf’s Speech in Dehli)
    http://www.insaf.pk/Forum/tabid/53/forumid/1/tpage/1/view/topic/postid/62738/Default.aspx#62738

    These Reporters whose Loyalties are not hidden to anybody particularly not hidden to Khaled Bhai, now read…

    Just compare the double standards of Mr Ansar Abbasi his Column on Mr Altaf Hussain and MQM in Jang 9 Nov 2009 and do read a reply from MQM on the Column of Mr Ansar Abbasi which was written In the Urdu daily Jang of February 2, 2009 there was a column titled “Would Altaf Hussain participate in long march ?” [read in the end]

    “QUOTE”

    http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/nov2009-daily/09-11-2009/col13.htm

    A Riposte to Ansar Abbasi – By Mustafa Azizabadi
    Member – Central Rabita Committee & In charge Central Media cell. MQM

    URL: http://www.mqm.org/English-News/feb-2009/azizabadi-article07-02-09.htm

    URL: http://www.mqm.org/English-News/feb-2009/azizabadi-article07-02-09.htm

    Restoration of CJ Iftikhar Imminent: Sources

    URL: http://pakteahouse.wordpress.com/2009/03/13/restoration-of-cj-iftikhar-imminent-sources/

    “UNQUOTE”

    This Lobby of Establishment couldn’t tolerate and digest this close relation:

    “quote”

    Talking to the media outside the election commission office, MQM deputy convener Farooq Sattar said his party has supported PPP Co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari’s candidature for office of the president unconditionally. REFERENCE: http://elections.com.pk/newsdetails.php?id=657 Nominations filed for president Wednesday, August 27, 2008 (14:26 PST)

    MQM to support Zardari for presidential slot: Altaf Monday, August 25, 2008 By By our correspondent Karachi http://thenews.jang.com.pk/print1.asp?id=131868

  • Read Shaheen Sehbai’s “analysis” in News and then read what Shaheen Sehbai [Group Editor The News/Jang Group] used to publish in his Magazine when he was in Exile in USA in 2002.

    There is an underlying feeling in some MQM circles that the superior judiciary, especially the current Supreme Court, may still have some lingering anger about the role of the MQM on May 12, 2007 when Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry was not allowed to enter Karachi. Is it the end of the road for PPP-MQM love-hate affair? Sunday, January 10, 2010 News analysis By Shaheen Sehbai http://thenews.jang.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=26589

    Now read the same Shaheen Sehbai’s Magazine on MQM:

    “QUOTE”

    Is the Army sincere with Altaf Bhai’s MQM? By Abdul Sattar
    Issue No 19, Nov 25-Dec 1, 2002 | ISSN:1684-2075 | satribune.com http://antisystemic.org/satribune/www.satribune.com/archives/nov25_dec1_02/P1_mqmstory.htm

    KARACHI: What is going on in Karachi’s No-Go Areas is a mystery known only to the secret agencies of General Pervez Musharraf. Apparently the Army is trying to appease Altaf Hussain’s MQM by hitting out at the MQM Haqiqi Group but in reality the agencies do not want to hurt their own creation.

    What is going on inside Altaf Bhai’s MQM – Are the ‘No Go Areas’ a Recipe for Disaster in Sindh By Abdus Sattar Agha
    Issue No 17, Nov 11-17, 2002 | ISSN:1684-2075 | satribune.com http://antisystemic.org/satribune/www.satribune.com/archives/nov11_17_02/P1_mqm.htm

    On 19 June 1992 the army brought the Haqiqi group to the urban areas of Karachi. Many
    MPAs and MNAs of the Altaf group were forced to change their loyalty and all this happened at a time when the army was present in the city and a crackdown against Altaf group was going on. It means that Musharraf must have been aware of the fact that there were certain NGAs but he did nothing about them.

    “UNQUOTE”

    Musharraf’s Blue Eyed Religious Affairs Minister Turns Out to be Dr. Fake WASHINGTON DC, Mar 9, 2005 | ISSN: 1684-2057 | http://www.satribune.com By M A Siddiqui
    http://antisystemic.org/satribune/www.satribune.com/archives/200503/P1_fake.htm

    KARACHI, March 9: He is the most high profile Parliamentarian of Altaf Hussain’s Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) and is also projecting himself as Altaf Bhai’s successor, should something happen to the MQM leader in London.

    Shocking TV interview haunts Dr Aamir Liaquat’s career
    Daily Times Monitor Thursday, May 26, 2005
    http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/print.asp?page=20055\26\story_26-5-2005_pg7_45

    ISLAMABAD/WASHINGTON: President Pervez Musharraf’s favourite Islamic TV preacher, the minister of state for religious affairs, Dr Aamir Liaquat Hussain, has finally shot himself, not in the foot but almost in the head, South Asia Tribune reported on Wednesday. “The minister, who was already in trouble over his allegedly fake degrees scandal and his sharp criticism of the Pakistan Army and Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and is being replaced by the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), despite all his denials, went on record in a TV interview last week and said Pakistan supported Iraqi insurgent leader Abu Musab Al-Zarqawi and what he was doing to US forces in Iraq,” it reported.

    “Aamir said this in an interview to ARY’s famous host, Dr Shahid Masood, on the subject of a fatwa (decree) issued by some Pakistani religious scholars recently, on whether suicide bombing was permissible in Islam. Aamir had been called to discuss the fatwa along with senior Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal leader Hafiz Hussain Ahmed,” it said.

    “The young and inexperienced minister, a loud-mouth who offends listeners, said such ‘truthful’ things about Pakistan’s policy on jihad in Iraq and Kashmir and even so strongly blasted President Musharraf for supporting the US that ARY TV decided not to run the programme on popular talk show Views-on-News,” South Asia Tribune added.

  • Running Pakistan’s biggest city – from London Last Updated: Wednesday, 16 May 2007, 11:33 GMT 12:33 UK http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6658231.stm

    Muttahida’s swinging pendulum By Maheen A. Rashdi METRO VOICE May 27, 2007 Sunday Jamadi-ul-Awwal 10, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/2007/05/27/fea.htm

    Karachi police told to go unarmed By Syed Shoaib Hasan BBC News, Karachi Tuesday, 15 May 2007, 17:41 GMT 18:41 UK http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6659137.stm

    Armed men attack Aaj TV office By Our Staff Reporter May 13, 2007 Sunday Rabi-us-Sani 25, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/2007/05/13/top6.htm

    KARACHI: SHC urged to supervise May 12 investigation By Shujaat Ali Khan http://www.dawn.com/2007/09/04/local1.htm

    Ordeal of freed May 12 petitionerBy A Reporter June 09, 2007 Saturday Jamadi-ul-Awwal 23, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/2007/06/09/top11.htm

    Riots in Karachi leave dozens dead Published: Sunday, May 13, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/05/13/world/asia/13iht-pakistan.5.5692979.html

  • جنگِ کراچی !

    وسعت اللہ خان
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، اسلام آباد

    آخری وقت اشاعت: اتوار, 10 جنوری, 2010, 13:29 GMT 18:29 PST

    http://www.bbc.co.uk/urdu/columns/2010/01/100110_wusat_baat.shtml
    چھ ماہ میں دو سو ستر کے لگ بھگ افراد ٹارگٹ کلنگ میں ہلاک ہوچکے ہیں

    اب سے چھ ماہ پہلے جولائی کے دوسرے منگل کو پاکستانی وزیرِ داخلہ رحمان ملک نے کراچی میں ٹارگٹ کلنگز کی روک تھام کے لئے وزیرِ اعلیٰ ہاؤس میں ایک پریس کانفرنس کی جس میں انہوں نے الٹی میٹم دیا کہ جمعرات کی رات بارہ بجے کے بعد اگر کراچی میں ٹارگٹ کلنگ کا ایک بھی واقعہ ہوا تو پھر ان سے برا کوئی نہ ہوگا۔

    انہوں نے یہ بھی کہا کہ اب تک ہونے والی ٹارگٹ کلنگز کی عدالتی تحقیقات ہوں گی۔ جو شخص کسی بھی ٹارگٹ کلنگ کے بارے میں مفید معلومات فراہم کرے گا اسے پانچ لاکھ روپے انعام دیا جائے گا۔ایک کرائسس مینجمنٹ سیل قائم کیا جائے گا جو ٹارگٹ کلنگس سے متعلق انٹیلی جینس نظام کو مربوط کر کے زمہ داروں کو دبوچےگا۔سندھ کی مخلوط حکومت میں شامل پیپلز پارٹی، ایم کیو ایم اور اے این پی نے وعدہ کیا ہے کہ وہ اس لعنت کے خاتمے کے لئے ہرممکن تعاون کریں گے۔

    آج ٹھیک چھ ماہ بعد حالت یہ ہے کہ اس عرصے میں دو سو ستر کے لگ بھگ مزید افراد ٹارگٹ کلنگ میں ہلاک ہوچکے ہیں۔جن میں متحدہ قومی موومنٹ، مہاجر قومی موومنٹ ، عوامی نیشنل پارٹی ، پیپلز پارٹی، جماعتِ اسلامی اور سنی تحریک کے کارکنوں سے لے کر زمینوں پر ناجائز قبضے کی مزاحمت کرنے والے سماجی کارکن اور جرائم پیشہ گینگسٹرز بھی شامل ہیں۔

    ن چھ ماہ کے دوران کسی شخص نے رحمان ملک کو کسی بھی ٹارگٹ کلنگ کی اطلاع دے کر پانچ لاکھ روپے انعام وصول کرنے کی زحمت نہیں کی۔اگر کوئی عدالتی تحقیقات ہوئی بھی ہیں تو ان کا کسی کو نہیں پتہ۔اگر کرائسس مینجمنٹ سیل بنا بھی ہے تو نہیں معلوم کہ اس کا ہاتھ کس کس کے گریبان تک پہنچا ہے۔اگر کوئی ٹارگٹ کلر گرفتار ہوا ہے تو اس کا نام کسی کو نہیں معلوم
    ان چھ ماہ کے دوران کسی شخص نے رحمان ملک کو کسی بھی ٹارگٹ کلنگ کی اطلاع دے کر پانچ لاکھ روپے انعام وصول کرنے کی زحمت نہیں کی۔اگر کوئی عدالتی تحقیقات ہوئی بھی ہیں تو ان کا کسی کو نہیں پتہ۔اگر کرائسس مینجمنٹ سیل بنا بھی ہے تو نہیں معلوم کہ اس کا ہاتھ کس کس کے گریبان تک پہنچا ہے۔اگر کوئی ٹارگٹ کلر گرفتار ہوا ہے تو اس کا نام کسی کو نہیں معلوم۔

    کوئی بھی شخص جس کی آنکھیں زرا سی بھی کھلی ہوئی ہوں۔اسے کراچی میں ٹارگٹ کلنگز کی تین موٹی موٹی وجوہات سمجھنے میں نہ تو رحمان ملک کے فوٹو سٹیٹ بیانات کی محتاجی ہے ، نہ کسی سیاسی جماعت کا سہارا چاہیے اور نہ ہی کسی انٹیلی جینس ایجنسی کی فائلوں تک پہنچنے کی ضرورت ہے۔

    پہلی وجہ کراچی نامی کثیرالنسلی سونے کی چڑیا پر سیاسی حاکمیت کی رسہ کشی ہے۔ پونے دو کروڑ آبادی والے اس شہر کے جس علاقے پر جس بھی جماعت یا گروہ کا تسلط ہے وہ اس تسلط کو ہر قیمت پر برقرار رکھنا چاہتا ہے۔کیونکہ اسی تسلط سے زمینی، مالیاتی، ووٹ بینک اور اقتدار میں شراکت کے بے شمار فوائد جڑے ہوئے ہیں۔

    دوسری وجہ اربوں روپے کی قیمتی زمین ہے۔جس پر سیاسی، اقتصادی اور نسلی طاقت کے بل بوتے پر قبضہ جمایا جاتا ہے اور اس میں مسلسل اضافے کی کوشش کی جاتی ہے۔ اس جنگ میں جو جس علاقے میں جتنا زور آور ہے، اسی تناسب سے قانون نافذ کرنے والے اور دیگر سرکاری اداروں اور جرائم پیشہ گروہوں کو بھی حصہ داری میں شامل کرتا ہے۔

    پولیس مقابلے، نسلی جھگڑے یا گینگ وار دراصل لینڈ مافیا کے بڑے کھیل کی ہی زیلی شکلیں ہیں۔یہ سارا کھیل سیاسی پشت پناہی کے بغیر ممکن نہیں اور اسی کھیل سے وہ اثرورسوخ اور سرمایہ ہاتھ آتا ہے جو سیاسی دھاروں کو کنٹرول کرنے کے کام آتا ہے۔پچھلے چھ ماہ میں کراچی میں جتنی ٹارگٹ کلنگس ہوئی ان کا شکار ہونے والوں میں رئیل سٹیٹ کے سترہ کاروباری بھی شامل ہیں۔

    تیسری وجہ مذہبی اختلافات کی بنیاد پر ٹارگٹ کلنگ ہے۔ جو کبھی زور پکڑ جاتی ہے تو کبھی تھم جاتی ہے۔لیکن کراچی کی موجودہ گریٹ گیم میں اس کا تناسب بہت کم ہے۔

    سوال یہ ہے کہ پھر کوئی پکڑا کیوں نہیں جاتا؟ بات یہ ہے کہ جب وارداتی ہی مجرم کا تعاقب کرنے والوں میں شامل ہوکر چور چور کا شور مچانے لگیں تو کون کسے پکڑے گا!

  • 12 MAY 2007 TRAGEDY IN KARACHI

    Who is to blame for Karachi mayhem? Saturday, May 19, 2007 Umar Cheema
    http://thenews.jang.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=7933

    ISLAMABAD: The Chief Secretary of Sindh had strongly opposed the strategy of the provincial government for May 12 while the Prime Minister’s advice to the provincial government for a judicial inquiry into the killings has been turned down, authoritative sources said on Friday. It was also revealed that the MQM had wanted to join the Islamabad rally but was stopped by the Chaudhrys of Gujrat.

    Observers believe that these three important developments concerning the May 12 killings in Karachi may have a serious impact not only at the provincial level but also at the national. Sources said the Chief Secretary of Sindh, Shakeel Durrani, had strongly opposed the ‘counter productive’ strategy of the provincial government designed for May 12, the day the Chief Justice of Pakistan had gone to Karachi for addressing lawyers there. He had written in advance to his seniors, proposing that hurdles should not be created and that the CJ be given a smooth passage.

    His recommendations were in clear contradiction to the Sindh Home Department, headed by former sector commander of Military Intelligence, Brig (retd) Ghulam Muhtaram. While the home department, fearing a serious law and order situation, insisted the CJ should not take the flight to Karachi, the chief secretary opposed the plan that was aimed to flop the CJ’s show, warning it would deteriorate the situation.

    Shakeel Durrani had not only verbally opposed the blockade of roads but had also opposed in writing to such a plan that was prone to violence and mass-scale killings. He had instead recommended that no hurdle should be created and Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry should be allowed to go by the route he wanted to use for reaching the high court bar.

    His recommendations, however, got a deaf ear from those who matter in decision-making in Sindh. Durrani is believed to have also held responsible his provincial government for Karachi mayhem, The News has learnt on good authority. While Durrani did not comment on the report when contacted by The News, another officer close to him confirmed it but refused to provide the details.

    Meanwhile, the Sindh government has refused to order a judicial inquiry into the killings. The News has learnt on good authority that Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz wanted to order a judicial inquiry into the incident. He went to Karachi on Wednesday with this plan but faced opposition from his ruling allies in Sindh.

    According to the sources, the PM had gone to Karachi with a plan to announce ordering judicial inquiry in a press conference after holding meetings there. Information Minister Muhammad Ali Durrani, Interior Minister Aftab Sherpao and Secretary Interior Kamal Shah had also accompanied him during this visit late Wednesday.

    Sources privy to the development say the PM’s plan could not materialize following stiff opposition from his allies in Sindh who said that such an order would open up a new Pandora’s Box. The PM who had ordered judicial inquiry into the mysterious murder of Supreme Court’s additional registrar Hamad Raza, failed to do it in a case where more than 40 people had been killed in just one day, ie May 12.

    Interior Minister Aftab Sherpao, when contacted to confirm about the PM plan, refused to comment. “I neither deny nor confirm this report,” he said.

    Information Minister Muhammad Ali Durrani, however, termed the ordering of judicial inquiry as a legal issue. He also did not deny that the PM was planning to order a judicial inquiry but said: “I am not in knowledge of the plan”. Also, some MQM lawmakers have been heard blaming the Chaudhrys of the Gujrat for ‘pushing’ them to hold a separate rally in Karachi instead of joining the PML-Q rally in Islamabad held the same day.

    They feel the May 12 incidents have left an adverse impact on their strategy to expand to other provinces so as to become a mainstream political party. The Karachi tragedy has put the MQM in dock as its offices in the Punjab and rural Sindh have faced a virtual closure following protests by the public of respective areas who blamed them for this bloodbath in Karachi.

    In their background interviews, the MQM lawmakers are blaming Chaudhrys of Gujrat for putting them to ‘abuse’. They say they were not for holding a rally in Karachi. According to them, they had expressed the desire to join the PML-Q rally held in Islamabad the same day but were denied.

    MQM parliamentary leader Dr Farooq Sattar, in his on-the-record discussion, has neither denied nor confirmed the claim of his party colleagues. But he said their plan to hold rally in Karachi was made after detailed deliberation.

  • The bloody Saturday By M. Ziauddin DATELINE LONDON May 18, 2007 Friday Jamadi-ul-Awwal 01, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/2007/05/18/fea.htm#2

    SOME sections from among the Pakistani legal community in London are pouring over the cases of Abu Hamza, Augusto Pinochet and Omar Bakri Mohammad. The first one, controversial cleric Abu Hamza al-Masri has been jailed for seven years after being found guilty of inciting murder and race hate.

    The second one, Bakri, chief of the banned Al-Muhajroon and allegedly the spiritual leader of Al Qaeda, was not allowed to return to the UK by the Home Office from Lebanon where he had gone voluntarily in 2005 after ‘sheltering’ in the UK for 20 years.

    The third one, the late Augusto Pinochet, the former military dictator of Spain had to fight off a long-drawn extradition battle in British courts after the Spanish courts had found him guilty of being involved in grave human rights violations when he was ruling the country.

    I would like to leave it to the imagination of my readers to puzzle over why these British lawyers of Pakistani origin joined also by a section of Pakistani students here are studying these cases trying hard perhaps to find parallels to take up.

    “As his fiefdom descended into brutal violence, with the deaths of at least 40 people reported amid the worst political bloodshed Pakistan has witnessed in years, Altaf Hussain directed his followers by telephone from a safe place more than 5,000 miles away.,” so said the Sunday Telegraph in its May 14 edition. The story was headlined ‘Running Karachi from London (partly covered by Dawn on May 15).

    Most Pakistanis here are highly distressed over the bloody happenings back home in recent weeks. They seem at a loss to understand why President General Musharraf looked the other way when fascist elements were unleashed against protesting lawyers and agitating political workers. Doesn’t it go against the very spirit of his own declared doctrine—Enlightened Moderation? They ask. And in recent months he has been preaching the Muslim Ummah to resolve the conflicts within through dialogue. Then why is he rejecting this same route to a grand political reconciliation in his own country? They question.I have no answers. But I can recall for the benefit of those quizzing me some past events and recorded statements so as to help them find the answers to their questions on their own. I recall vividly the victory dance the president performed as he concluded his first and last address to the joint session of the current parliament in 2002. He then raised his two clenched fists and waved them at the opposition which had kept thumping the desk and shouting ‘Go Musharraf Go’ throughout his speech. Next, he turned towards the ruling coalition and saluted them smartly before making an exit clearly with spring in his feet.

    And who can forget the chilling statement of his in one of his TV interviews before his troops killed Sardar Akber Khan Bugti? He had said something to the effect that today was not 1970s and that they (the Baloch Sardars) would not know what hit them. He carried out this threat in letter and spirit. One can only assume that Akber Bugti did not know what hit him before he died.

    “Our neighbourhood, Nazimabad, was a tough place to live, and it has become tougher since. I would not call it the Harlem of Karachi, but perhaps it was the South Bronx (This scribe has lived in Nazimabad in 1950s and 60s. It never was a tough place in those days and certainly was not South Bronx. It became tough for its inhabitants only in late 1980s well after Musharraf had joined the army). A boy had to be street-smart to survive. There were inevitable street gangs, and needless to say, I joined one. Needless to say too, I was one of the tough boys…There was a bully in our area who would walk up to the boy who had caught a kite and demand that he hand it over, or else. Most boys would oblige. One day my older brother got hold of some string from a cut kite. The bully, accompanied by two other boys, rudely asked him to hand it over. I held my brother’s hand and said, ‘Why should we give you the string?’ Then, without thinking, (the emphasis is mine) I punched the bully hard. A fight ensued, and I really thrashed him. After that people recognised me as a sort of boxer, and I became known as a dada geer—an untranslatable term that means, roughly a tough guy whom you don’t mess with. The lesson I learned was that if you call a bully’s bluff, he crumbles. The secret is to stand your ground for a few seconds, and your initial fright vanishes. This lesson later stood me in good stead as a commando.” This is from Musharraf’s book In the Line of Fire (Pages 26-27).

    So, Musharraf is standing his ground believing that the Chief Justice, the lawyers’ community and the opposition political parties backing the struggle for independence of judiciary would crumble in due course of time. But then by the time that time comes, would not the nation suffer beyond repair? So what? A commando does not waste time on thinking before taking the plunge as Musharraf did when he punched the fictional bully without thinking and learned a great lesson which later stood him in good stead as a commando. But then can you use as effectively the same lessons which stood you in good stead as a commando when handling political issues from the offices of the Presidency and the COAS?

    “I first encountered General Musharraf when he acted as a Turkish interpreter during visits by the Turkish military. I declined to make him my military secretary. We initially refused his promotion because of his suspected though unproven links with the ethnic, often violent, party known as the Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM).” This is Benazir Bhutto in the revised edition of her book Daughter of the East, an autobiography (page 429). But then you don’t have to believe everything BB says. In any case she herself says that the suspicion was unproven. It was actually Major General (retd.) Naseerullah Khan Baber who reportedly advised the former prime minister on the matter of Musharraf’s promotion. Later, though on the advice of the then Chief of the Army Staff, Benazir is said to have overruled Baber, the then interior minister.

  • The day of the sector commanders By Ayaz Amir May 18, 2007 Friday Jamadi-ul-Awwal 01, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/weekly/ayaz/20070518.htm

    WITH apologies to Euripides for quoting him again: “Whom the gods would destroy, they first make mad.” No other explanation holds for the events of May 12 when Pakistan’s once-upon-a-time City of Lights was handed over, with the utmost of deliberation, to the forces of darkness and anarchy.

    There is nothing surprising in avowed criminals spreading lawlessness, nothing surprising in a mafia carrying out a murder, mafias after all being in the business of murder. But here was something completely different: the supposed guardians of order themselves perpetrating disorder, gifting for 24 hours and more the city of Jinnah to elements dedicated to violence and intimidation—elements whose trademark has been the political use of terror.

    Not just the abdication of authority but much worse: for perhaps the first time in our none-too-happy history a provincial government, with encouragement from afar, not only turning a blind eye to anarchy but actively encouraging it. If this is not madness, what is?

    Why the paralysis of Karachi, the gifting of it to killing and mayhem? Why the miraculous disappearance of the so-called law-enforcing agencies, the police and the Rangers? Only so that the Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, should not travel down the Sharea Faisal and arrive at the High Court to address the Karachi Bar. Our city and who dare enter it against our wishes?

    This was going one better than the Nazis. They set fire to the Reichstag in 1934 so as to find a pretext to crush their opponents. But they set fire to one building, however important, not the whole of Berlin.

    Here an entire city, Pakistan’s largest, its financial and commercial hub, its only seaport, paralysed – hundreds of buses, trucks and containers hijacked in the previous 24 hours to block not just the major arteries but also minor roads – all because Justice Chaudhry should not be able to get out of Karachi airport and those wishing to welcome him should not be able to go to the airport.

    Justice Chaudhry and the lawyers accompanying him were not allowed to step out of the airport. Yet Gen Musharraf feels no qualms about holding them, rather than himself, responsible for what happened in Karachi that day.

    The Nazis had their gauleiters. Karachi has its sector commanders. This was the day of the sector commanders.

    With roads blocked, movement was difficult if not impossible. But people were willing to brave all obstacles and make it to the airport. At several points they were set upon and ambushed, all with the greatest deliberation. Fortytwo dead are the accounted for victims of this slaughter although the real toll could be higher. Many more were injured.

    At the Jinnah Hospital which I visited the next day I saw people lying with gunshot wounds – all poor, most of them day-labourers, in pain and dazed at what had befallen them.

    The sector commanders were trying to show their strength. What they have exposed instead is their weakness, their terror at the thought of Justice Chaudhry coming in triumphal procession down the Sharea Faisal. One man striking terror into the hearts of a multitude: the wages not of strength but abject cowardice.

    Gen Musharraf outdid himself that evening, declaring before the rent-a-crowd gathered in front of the houses of parliament in Islamabad that it was the power of the people which had manifested itself in Karachi and that anyone daring to stand in its way would be crushed. As a British paper has commented, not a twinge of shame, not a touch of remorse, just loud talk and a swaggering attitude and this on the day Karachi was visited by death and anarchy.

    We’ve heard of riots being incited against Muslims in India by Hindu extremists to achieve some dark political purpose. In Karachi no compunction was shown in shedding Muslim blood in order to score a political point that defies sense and understanding.

    And as if to emphasise the ‘strategic’ nexus behind these events, at a hastily-convened meeting of the Q League in Islamabad, Gen Musharraf exhorted his assembled supporters (for the most dispirited because of the killings in Karachi) not to leave the MQM alone in its hour of trial and distress. This was less exhortation than a cry from the heart. Not a word about healing Karachi’s wounds, not a word of regret about the madness that had tipped Karachi into anarchy, just a long harangue about coming to the aid of the MQM.

    Even from that gathering of the meek and the docile murmurs arose against the MQM, only to be brushed aside, the order of the day being “support the MQM”.

    There was also anger at the media, presumably for showing the emperor and his cohorts without their clothes. The media is being watched was the second order of the day. It better behave or it would be dealt with sternly.

    This seems to be the season of sternness. The Chief Justice was dealt with sternly and we know what has come of that. Karachi has been dealt with sternly and we know the grim fruits of that. There are other indicators in the wind: the firing on the house of Munir Malik, President of the Supreme Court Bar Association (two days before the CJ’s arrival in Karachi). Now the tragic killing of Hammad Raza, Assistant Registrar of the Supreme Court.

    Hammad, virtually staff officer to the CJ, was reportedly under pressure to give evidence against him. By all accounts an upright officer, it is being said that he wasn’t coming around. The government says he died in the course of an attempted robbery – an explanation few people in the country are willing to buy. His wife says it was a targeted killing. Allah knoweth best. All we can be sure of is that strange things are afoot in this season of sternness.

    Hand it to Gen Musharraf though for making no bones about his ambition. His third order of the day at that same Q League meeting was not to be upset by ‘temporary’ troubles and instead concentrate on ‘my reelection’ which would benefit the Q League’s election prospects. A preview, no doubt, of the free and fair elections towards which we are supposedly heading.

    Elections under Musharraf, elections in Karachi under the aegis of its sector commanders: there were few takers for these ideas before, fewer still after the events of May 12.

    Army chiefs have presided over our biggest disasters: foolish, unnecessary wars, even the country’s dismemberment. Ayub Khan and Yahya Khan are the true fathers of Bangladesh. If the people of Bangladeshi had any gratitude, they would raise statues in their honour.

    But the army command allowing itself to be perceived in the colours of ethnicity – and I choose my words most carefully here – is a first, never happening before. Are our self-appointed saviours, whose time as all the signs suggest, is clearly up, totally oblivious of the grave consequences of their actions?

    Karachi-specific ethnicity was a bad enough phenomenon. Nothing, however, can be more sinister than playing the ethnic card from the centre. This is one game of poker best avoided. There also should be some limits to personal ambition. Self-preservation is a powerful feeling and up to an extent understandable, but it shouldn’t be stretched to the point where it drags everything down with it.

    This is going to be a long, hot summer. Pray God some sense prevails. Pakistan was not created for men of limited ability to play around with its destiny. Pakistan a failed state? By no means. Its failures have been the failures of its leaders. But we may have turned a corner and in that sense left the past behind because the one sentiment being voiced across the country is, “Enough is enough”.

    The yearning for change is visible. More than that, as the popular response to the judicial crisis shows, the struggle for change is being joined by wider sections of the people.

  • Blair might be dragged into controversy over Altaf’s role Friday, May 18, 2007 Rauf Klasra
    http://thenews.jang.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=7919

    LONDON: Prime Minister Tony Blair might be dragged into the controversy over the role of British passport holder Altaf Hussain in the recent unrest in Karachi as the UK media has turned its guns on the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) and has given a prominent coverage to accusation of PTI chief Imran Khan and other opposition leaders for giving “sanctuary” to a politician whose party was linked to killings in Pakistan.

    The threats of Pakistani opposition leaders to file cases in the courts of Britain against the British government for giving asylum to Altaf has also generated a lot of interest in the media. Imran’s criticism of Tony Blair has been given prominent coverage in the British media on Thursday and there is strong possibility that it might echo in the House of Commons where Blair or Labour party leaders might be asked to explain the position of Britain with regard to the role of one of its citizens in the Karachi carnage.

    Observers here believe that British media might create troubles for Altaf Hussain in the days to come as the statements of Pakistani politicians against the MQM and its involvement in the recent violence were being given big coverage. Altaf had obtained British passport in the 90s.

    Since Saturday’s killings in Karachi, the British media has already started asking serious questions from its government about the role of Altaf in the killings in Karachi. Daily Telegraph was the first British paper that had filed stories against Altaf and his role in the violence in Karachi. The next day, its reporter met Altaf at his residence and the newspaper ran a four-column story on its front page with the headline “Running Karachi from London”.

    Altaf who usually does not meet Pakistani journalists, spent a lot of time with the British journalist knowing how much power the media enjoyed in this country. Altaf defended the position of his party and rejected allegations that he or his party was responsible for violence in Karachi.

    Despite denials by the MQM, almost all the British newspapers in their reports, comments and editorials put the blame of violence on the shoulders of MQM workers and had asked that to what extent the man running MQM from London could be responsible.

    Imran in his statement accused Blair of giving sanctuary to a politician whose party he claimed was linked to killings in Pakistan at the weekend. Daily Telegraph says that armed gunmen linked to MQM are accused of sparking a series of clashes between rival groups when they opened fire on an anti-government protest.

    However, Mohammed Anwar, head of international relations for the MQM, denied that Altaf had been responsible for any violence in Karachi, saying: “He is living here [Britain] since 1992 so how could he stir up violence when he is not even living in Karachi?”

    Anwar pointed out that women and children joined the rallies, which the MQM organised in the city. “If we wanted to commit carnage, would we bring our mothers and sisters and daughters on to the streets with us? It simply isn’t plausible.” He said Imran’s criticism of Altaf was motivated by the MQM’s success in “making inroads into other parts of Pakistan”.

  • ایم کیو ایم فوج کے ہاتھوں میں؟

    حسین عسکری
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، لندن

    وقتِ اشاعت: Thursday, 17 May, 2007, 00:14 GMT 05:14 PST

    http://www.bbc.co.uk/urdu/pakistan/story/2007/05/070516_mqm_analysis_rza.shtml

    ایم کیو ایم تشدد کی سیاست سے باہر نہیں نکل سکی
    چیف جسٹس افتخار محمد چودھری کی معطلی کا معاملہ بارہ مئی کو جو شکل اختیار کر گیا ہے اس نے لوگوں کے ذہنوں میں کئی سوالات پیدا کیے ہیں۔
    نو مارچ کو صدر مشرف کی جانب سے چیف جسٹس افتخار چودھری کے خلاف ریفرینس کے بعد سے چیف جسٹس نے پاکستان کے مختلف شہروں میں بار کونسلوں سے خطاب کیے اور وکلا اور سیاسی جماعتوں نے بھرپور لیکن تقریبا پر امن احتجاج کا سلسلہ جاری رکھا۔ آخر چیف جسٹس کے کراچی کے دورے پر ہی صورتحال نے خوفناک حد تک پُرتشدد شکل کیوں اختیار کی۔ حکومت نے ان کو بار بار یہ مشورہ کیوں دیا کہ وہ کراچی نہ جائیں کیونکہ ان کے کراچی جانے سے شہر میں حالات خراب ہو سکتے ہیں۔

    اِن سوالات کے جواب معلوم کرنے کے لیے ہمیں گزشتہ بائیس برسوں کے دوران کراچی پر بلاشرکتِ غیرے راج کرنے والی جماعت متحدہ قومی موومنٹ کے سیاسی کردار کا جائزہ لینا ہوگا۔

    انیس سو پچاسی میں بشریٰ زیدی نامی طالبہ کی ایک ٹریفک حادثے میں ہلاکت کے بعد شروع ہونے والے عوامی احتجاج کو نسلی فسادات میں بدل دیا گیا۔ اُس عوامی احتجاج کے اندر ایک موثر تحریک بن کر اندرون سندھ اور آنے والے دنوں میں پورے ملک میں مارشل لا حکومت کے خلاف ایک بڑی تحریک سے جڑ جانے کی پوری صلاحیت موجود تھی۔

    کراچی کے شہریوں کو یہ اچھی طرح یاد ہوگا کہ شہر میں کس طرح افواہیں پھیلائی گئیں کہ پٹھان مہاجر بستیوں پر حملہ کرنے آ رہے ہیں۔ پٹھان علاقوں میں بھی اسی طرح کی افواہیں پھیلائی گئیں۔ کراچی یونیورسٹی میں ڈیموکریٹک سٹوڈنٹس فیڈریشن نامی تنظیم کے طلبہ و طالبات نے طے کیا کہ وہ پٹھانوں کے ایک علاقے بنارس جا کر وہاں لوگوں کو اِس سازش کے بارے میں سمجھائیں گے۔

    لیکن نامعلوم افراد نے بنارس میں یہ افواہ پھیلا دی کہ مہاجر ایک بس میں بھر کر پٹھانوں پر حملہ کرنے آ رہے ہیں۔ نتیجہ یہ کہ اس بس کے طلبہ پر تشدد ہوا، کچھ طلبہ زخمی ہوئے اور علاقے کے لوگوں تک اپنا پیغام پہنچائے بغیر وہاں سے چلے گئے۔ لیکن شہر میں یہ افواہ پھیلا دی گئی کہ بس میں سوار مہاجر طالبات کو پٹھانوں نے اغوا کر لیا ہے۔ امن قائم کرنے کی کوئی کوشش امن خراب کرنے والوں کے ہاتھوں کامیاب نہ ہوسکی۔ شہر میں امن ریلیاں بھی نکلیں لیکن بے سود رہیں۔

    اُن دنوں کے فسادات میں بڑے پیمانے پر پٹھانوں، پنجابیوں اور مہاجروں کے درمیان مسلح جھڑپوں میں سیکڑوں افراد ہلاک اور اربوں روپے کی املاک تباہ ہوئیں اور شہر کی اردو بولنے والی آبادی کی اکثریت نے ایم کیو ایم کے سائے تلے پناہ لے لی ۔

    اس وقت کے فوجی ڈکٹیٹر جنرل ضیاالحق کی قیادت میں فوجی ایسٹیبلشمنٹ نے اس طرح کئی فائدے حاصل کیے۔ جنرل ضیاالحق کے خلاف صوبہ سندھ میں تحریک برائے بحالی جمہوریت ( ایم آر ڈی ) کی تحریک کمزور ہوئی۔ پاکستان کی سب سے بڑی مڈل کلاس آبادی کو مرکزی دھارے کی سیاست سے کاٹ کر ملک کی جمہوری قوتوں کو ناقابلِ تلافی نقصان پہچایا گیا۔ اس وقت سے آج تک کراچی ملک کے مرکزی دھارے کی سیاست سے کٹا ہوا ہے اور اِس شہر کی منتخب جماعت جمہوریت کے خلاف فوج کے ہاتھوں استعمال ہوتی ہوئی نظر آ رہی ہے۔ تشدد کے نتیجے میں وجود میں آنے والی یہ جماعت آج تک تشدد کی سیاست سے باہر نہیں نکل سکی۔

    فوج نے ایم کیو ایم کے لیے سیاست میں جو کردار متعین کیا ہوا ہے ایم کیو ایم نہ تو اس سے باہر آ سکی ہے نہ اسے ایسا کرنے دیا گیا ہے۔ انیس سو بانوے اور پھر انیس سو پچانوے میں کراچی میں دو ریاستی آپریشنوں کے ذریعے ایم کیو ایم کو یہ بات پوری طرح سمجھا دی گئی ہے کہ اُسے فوج کے بتائے ہوئے راستے پر ہی چلنا ہے۔ فوج کے لیے مرکزی دھارے سے کٹی ہوئی جماعت کو یہ سمجھانا آسان ہوتا ہے۔

    ریاستی آپریشن کے دوران جب ایم کیو ایم کے رہنما چھپتے پھر رہے تھے اور کارکنوں کے جعلی مقابلوں میں ماورائے عدالت قتل ہو رہے تھے تو یہ میڈیا ہی تھا جس نے اِس کے خلاف آواز اٹھائی تھی۔ بعد میں جماعت کے ایک اہم رہنما آفتاب شیخ نے کراچی پریس کلب کی ایک تقریب میں صحافیوں سے میڈیا کے ساتھ اپنے رویے کی کھلے عام معافی مانگی تھی۔

    کراچی میں بارہ مئی کو ’آج‘ ٹی وی پر کئی گھنٹوں تک ہونے والی فائرنگ کی معافی کے لیے بھی شاید لوگوں کو کئی برس تک انتظار کرنا ہوگا۔

    وہ انیس سو اٹھاسی اور انیس سو ترانوے میں پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی کی حکومتیں ہوں یا انیس سو نوے اور ستانوے میں مسلم لیگ نواز کی حکومتیں، ایم کیو ایم کو اِن منتخب حکومتوں کو غیر مستحکم کرنے کے لیے استعمال کیا گیا۔ ایم کیو ایم نےان حکومتوں میں شامل ہوتے ہوئے بھی اِن ہی کے خلاف کام کیا اور ملک میں جمہوریت کے خلاف سازش میں اہم کردار ادا کیا۔

    انیس سو ستانوے میں قومی اسمبلی کے انتخابات میں تقریبا یقینی جیت کے باوجود عین وقت پر بائیکاٹ کرکے اس جماعت نے سب کو حیران کر دیا تھا۔ ٹھیک دو دنوں کے بعد صوبائی اسمبلی کے انتخابات میں ایم کیو ایم نے حصہ لیا اور بھرپور کامیابی حاصل کی اور ثابت کیا کہ شہر کی سب سے مقبول جماعت ہونے کے باوجود اس جماعت کے انتخابات میں حصہ لینے یا نہ لینے کا فیصلہ نائن زیرو میں نہیں بلکہ کہیں اور کیا جاتا ہے۔

    ایم کیو ایم نے لوگوں کی اِس امید کو بھی ختم کر دیا کہ متوسط طبقے کی نمائندگی کرنے والی جماعت ملکی سیاست میں مثبت کردار ادا کر سکتی ہے۔ وکلا کی تحریک متوسط طبقے ہی کی تحریک ہے اور دیکھا جائے تو ایم کیو ایم کو اس کا حصہ ہونا چاہیے تھا ۔

    ایم کیو ایم کے اسی کردار کے تناظر میں اگر دیکھیں تو بارہ مئی کو چیف جسٹس کی کراچی آمد اور جبری واپسی کے موقع پر کراچی میں ہونے والا تشدد اور ایک ہی دن میں چونتیس افراد کی ہلاکت کا معاملہ سمجھ میں آنے لگتا ہے۔

    چیف جسٹس افتخار چودھری کی معطلی کے خلاف ملک بھر میں وکلا اور سیاسی جماعتوں کا احتجاج اور چیف جسٹس کے ملک کی مختلف بار کونسلوں سے خطاب کے موقع پر ججوں کی اکثریت کا موجود ہونا، اس سارے معاملے کو نشر کرنے کے دوران میڈیا پر حکومتی دباؤ اور ٹی وی چینلوں پر حملوں کے باوجود میڈیا کی جانب سے اس دباؤ کا سامنا کرنا، یہ سب وہ عوامل ہیں جنھوں نے موجودہ حکومت اور اس کے فوجی سربراہ جنرل مشرف کو سخت پریشانی میں مبتلا کیا ہوا ہے اور ظاہر ہے فوج کو بھی ایک ادارے کی حیثیت سے ہر وہ تحریک پسند نہیں جس سے ملک میں جمہوریت اور قانون کی بالادستی کا کوئی امکان پیدا ہو۔

    اس موقع پر ایم کیو ایم ایک مرتبہ پھر فوج کے کام آئی ہے اور چیف جسٹس کی معطلی کے خلاف چلنے والی پر امن تحریک میں تشدد کا عنصر کراچی کے ذریعے داخل کیا گیا ہے ۔

    اسی دوران صدر مشرف اور پیپلز پارٹی کی سربراہ بے نظیر بھٹو کے درمیان رابطوں اور ڈیل کی خبریں بھی سامنے آئی ہیں۔ وہ صدر مشرف جو ظفراللہ جمالی جیسے بے ضرر وزیراعظم کو بھی برداشت نہیں کر سکے وہ بے نظیر سے بات کرنے پر مجبور ہوئے ہیں۔ فوج کے اندر بھی یہ احساس پایا جاتا ہے کہ صدر مشرف اپنے آٹھ سالہ دورِ حکومت میں جتنے کمزور آج ہیں اتنے پہلے کبھی نہیں تھے۔

    اسی لیے موجودہ فوجی ایسٹیبلشمنٹ مجبوراً یہی چاہتی ہے کہ اب پیپلز پارٹی جیسی عوامی جماعت کو شریکِ اقتدار کر کے صدر مشرف کو مزید موقع دیا جائے۔ ادھر موجودہ حالات میں امریکہ کی طرف سے بھی یہ اشارے ہیں کہ ماشل لا یا ایمرجنسی فی الحال اُسے قبول نہیں۔ خاص طور پر وہ اس بات پر گہری نظر رکھے ہوئے ہے کہ جوہری ہتھیاروں سے لیس پاکستان میں کوئی جہادی جنرل اقتدار پر قابض نہ ہو جائے۔لیکن زمینی حقائق یہ ہیں کہ ہرگزرتے دن کے ساتھ صدر مشرف کی اقتدار پرگرفت کمزور ہورہی ہے اور بظاہر یہ دکھائی دے رہا ہے کہ اگر صدر مشرف نے جلد ہی پیلپز پارٹی کے ساتھ معاملات طے نہیں کیے تو نہ وہ وردی نہ ہی بغیر وردی کے صدر رہیں گے۔ان حالات میں امریکہ کے لیے یہی مناسب ہے کہ صدر مشرف بے نظیر کے ساتھ مل کر حکومت کریں اور امریکی یہ بات صدر مشرف کو بھی سمجھا رہے ہیں۔

    اسی تناظر میں اگر وکلا اور سیاسی جماعتوں کی موجودہ تحریک کے دباؤ میں آ کر فوج پیپلز پارٹی کے ساتھ اقتدار کی شراکت پر مجبور ہو جاتی ہے تو اس شراکت میں اسے بہت سے اختیارات سے محروم ہونا پڑے گا اور اقتدار کا ایک بڑا حصہ سیاسی جماعتوں کو منتقل ہو جائےگا۔

    ایم کیو ایم کے ذریعے کراچی میں تشدد کروا کر یا جامعہ حفصہ کا معاملہ کھڑا کرنے کا مقصد یہ ہے کہ عدلیہ کی آزادی کے نام پر چلنے والی اس تحریک کو جس حد تک ممکن ہو کمزور کر دیا جائے تاکہ اقتدار کی اس شراکت میں فوج اپنے لیے زیادہ سے زیادہ حصے کو یقینی بنا سکے۔

  • UK media raises question about Altaf running Karachi affairs By M. Ziauddin
    May 15, 2007 Tuesday Rabi-us-Sani 27, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/2007/05/15/nat3.htm

    LONDON, May 14: The British media is wondering why Mr Altaf Hussain, a British citizen is being allowed by the UK government to run Karachi affairs, and that too through violent means.

    “He has no plans to return to Pakistan,” said Daily Telegraph on Monday in a piece titled ‘Running Karachi from London’.

    When the newspaper asked why Mr Hussain was not deported to Pakistan before he was granted citizenship, a British diplomat said: “He has not committed a crime on British soil.”

    The newspaper said supporters of Mr Hussain, 53, whose Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) is allied to President (General) Pervez Musharraf’s government, were accused of playing a bloody part in clashes with opposition supporters.

    “The man in-charge of Pakistan’s largest city, Karachi, was at his usual command-and-control post at the weekend: a sofa in north London.

    “As his fiefdom descended into brutal violence, with the deaths of at least 40 people reported amid the worst political bloodshed Pakistan has witnessed in years, Altaf Hussain directed his followers by telephone from a safe place, more than 5,000 miles away.

    “His headquarters, or ‘international secretariat’, is not in the Pakistani port city but housed in a red-brick office block opposite a supermarket on Edgeware High Street,” the newspaper report continued. The newspaper quoted him as saying that he had called for peace.

    “But as tens of thousands of his followers sat cross-legged in reverential silence as they listened to their leader’s telephonic address relayed by loudspeakers, in another street armed MQM activists fired directly into the crowds of opposition protesters.

    “Mr Hussain has lived in Britain since arriving in 1992 for a ‘kidney operation’. He has since become a British citizen, while his party governs five cities and the populous Sindh province.

    “Mr Hussain, who spent part of Sunday speaking on the telephone to Gen Musharraf, warned Pakistan’s leader not to make any deals with exiled leaders, such as his rival Miss Bhutto, that would see the military ruler resign from the army,” it added

    “The situation in South Asia does not allow (General) Musharraf to take off his uniform, for without it he will have no power at all. Because of activities … in Afghanistan as well as our own country, the Taliban (influence) is growing very strong,” Mr Hussain told the Daily Telegraph.

    “He is doing his level best to fight these groups. (General) Musharraf is a very brave man. Only he can prevent the Talibanisation of Pakistan,” asserted Altaf in the interview.

    “Unlike former prime ministers Nawaz Sharif and Miss Bhutto, Mr Hussain is an exile whose party has consolidated its grip. But Karachi remains tense.

    “His political addresses by telephone have been known to last up to four hours, while a Western diplomat in Pakistan described the MQM as ‘something out of Chicago – nobody leaves the party’.

    “While Mr Hussain promotes the party as a ‘secular’ cause and courts the middle-class vote, his supporters are known to extort a goonda tax from Karachi businesses.

    “Mr Hussain, who once drove a taxi in Chicago for a living, micro-manages the MQM with acute attention to detail.

    In the same newspaper another report titled ‘Violence as Musharraf’s power fades’ said in the (Karachi) city’s Jinnah Hospital yesterday, Adil Bashir, 23, was recovering from three bullet wounds after narrowly escaping a street execution.

    “He said he had not taken part in the rally but was rounded up by armed, teenage MQM activists along with four others. He alleged that he and others were lined up against a wall before being sprayed with automatic gunfire. He and one other survived.

    “The actions of the MQM may have been not so much a sign of support for the eight-year rule of Gen Musharraf, but a demonstration of its own power in what could be the first round of a new turf war in Karachi.

    “Gen Musharraf’s options are becoming more and more limited as he struggles to have himself re-elected and to continue as army chief.

    “His bargaining position for striking a possible power-sharing deal with the PPP leader, Benazir Bhutto, appears to be growing weaker.”

  • PTI to sue Blair for ‘harbouring’ MQM leader By Our Reporter May 15, 2007 Tuesday Rabi-us-Sani 27, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/2007/05/15/nat5.htm

    LAHORE, May 14: Tehreek-i-Insaaf Chairman Imran Khan has accused President Pervez Musharraf and MQM leader Altaf Husain of bloodshed in Karachi and called upon the opposition to unite on one-point agenda of getting rid of Musharraf and dictatorship.

    Addressing a press conference after presiding over a meeting of the Tehreek central executive committee here on Monday evening, he said the disturbance in Karachi was not unexpected because the issue had been raised in the National Assembly session only a day earlier, but the government did nothing to prevent the bloodshed.

    “Instead of taking steps for maintaining law and order in Karachi, it got the MQM rally arranged intentionally to sabotage the reception of Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry which was expected to be much better than Lahore.”

    He said President Musharraf was not tired of talking about enlightened moderation on the one hand and had joined hands with “top terrorist” MQM leader Altaf Hussain on the other for remaining in power. “The hardened criminals of MQM set at liberty by the government continued firing bullets at the people but the police and the Rangers did not fire even a single teargas shell at them. Ten PTI men were among those who sustained bullet injuries and were under treatment in hospitals.”

    The PTI, he said, was consulting lawyers to lodge an FIR against Gen Pervez Musharraf and Altaf Husain for the Karachi killings.

    He said the PTI would also file a case against British Prime Minister Tony Blair in the UK for harbouring MQM leader Altaf Husain who “headed a fascist organisation and was living like a king there through the money sent to him from Pakistan. The MQM is a fascist organisation like Hitler’s Nazi Party. No body dared to challenge the Nazi Party because it got its opponents eliminated. The MQM first fired bullets on the people and then tried to portray itself as a victim.”

    He said Pakistan People’s Party chairperson Benazir Bhutto had not played the Sindh Card, but President Musharraf continued playing the MQM card and was not tired of praising Altaf Husain in his speeches. “Innocent people were being killed in Karachi but there were jubilations in Islamabad at government expense.”

  • Farooq explains MQM ‘dilemma’ By Our Staff Reporter August 29, 2006 Tuesday Sha’aban 4, 1427 http://www.dawn.com/2006/08/29/nat8.htm

    LAHORE, Aug 28: “The MQM is politically caught in a dilemma. It ideologically differs both with the government and the opposition but had to choose one of them.” MQM organiser Dr Farooq Sattar stated this at a press conference here on Monday. Facing a barrage of
    questions about the party’s responsibility (being a part of the government) in the killing of Nawab Akbar Bugti, he said the MQM condemned it in unequivocal terms. “The MQM is a party limited to urban Sindh as far as electoral politics is concerned. In these circumstances, it can hardly make independent choice in national politics. That is why, it had to choose
    between the government and the opposition, and it went for former. But this partnership does not exclude being ideologically different,” he insisted. The party, he said, believed that it could better serve national interest by being part of the government as it could influence official decisions and fight for the rights of downtrodden from within the system. “The party is certain that it could better fight for provincial autonomy and other irritants in national
    politics by being in the government and that is the only reason for it being part of official set-up.”

    Facing more and more questions on the killing of Akbar Bugti, Dr Farooq did not go beyond already stated position of the party: “The MQM condemns killing and stands for maximum provincial autonomy, which originally triggered the crisis between the government and Mr Bugti.” About demands like the judicial inquiry into the killing, he said the party would measure its further response once the initial phase of grief was over. Earlier, Dr Farooq announced a 16-member organising committee representing some 14 districts of the Punjab. He said the number would be taken to 25 in near future. The members of the committee would organise the party in Punjab according to the principles of party chief Altaf Husain.

  • Running Karachi – from London – By Isambard Wilkinson in Karachi and Damien McElroy
    Published: 12:01AM BST 14 May 2007 http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/1551540/Running-Karachi—from-London.html

    The man in charge of Pakistan’s largest city, Karachi, was at his usual command-and-control post at the weekend: a sofa in north London.

    As his fiefdom descended into brutal violence, with the deaths of at least 40 people reported amid the worst political bloodshed Pakistan has witnessed in years, Altaf Hussain directed his followers by telephone from a safe place more than 5,000 miles away. His headquarters, or “international secretariat”, is not in the Pakistani port city but housed in a red-brick office block opposite a supermarket on Edgware High Street. Followers of Mr Hussain, 53, whose Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) is allied to President Pervez Musharraf’s government, were accused yesterday of playing a bloody part in the clashes with opposition supporters. But in an interview with The Daily Telegraph, Mr Hussain insisted that they held a “completely peaceful gathering” and that it was opposition supporters who provoked the violence, in which at least nine MQM activists were killed. When reports of the killings reached Edgware on Saturday morning, Mr Hussain was preparing to address the party by telephone. Three hours later, he defied what he called “agitators” by leaning over the loudspeaker of his phone to speak to his supporters. Opposition activists loyal to Benazir Bhutto were staging their own anti-government rally when the violence began. But Mr Hussain said: “It was a completely peaceful gathering by MQM supporters that was targeted by a collaboration of three other parties.” He said he had called for peace. But as tens of thousands of his followers sat cross-legged in reverential silence as they listened to their leader’s telephonic address relayed by loudspeakers, in another street armed MQM activists fired directly into the crowds of opposition protesters.

    Mr Hussain, who founded the MQM in 1984 specifically to represent the Mohajirs – Muslim refugees from India – has lived in Britian since arriving in 1992 for a kidney operation. He has since become a British citizen, while his party governs five cities and the populous Sind province. He claimed yesterday that his party is the only force to stand up for secular values in Pakistan. “MQM is the only party against all sorts of religious fanaticism in Pakistan,” he said. “It is these groups and their influence, which is all around, that is stopping me coming home. A sizeable majority of the army even have been brainwashed to supporting what the Taliban wants to impose.”

    Mr Hussain, who spent part of yesterday speaking on the telephone to Gen Musharraf, warned Pakistan’s leader not to make any deals with exiled leaders, such as his rival Miss Bhutto, that would see the military ruler resign from the army. Pakistan faces a referendum on Gen Musharraf’s rule before the end of the year and he has promised to abandon his uniform before the poll. “The situation in South Asia does not allow Pervez Musharraf to take off his uniform, for without it he will have no power at all. Because of activities next door in Afghanistan as well as our own country, the Taliban is growing very strong,” Mr Hussaid said. “He is doing his level best to fight these groups. Musharraf is a very brave man. Only he can prevent the Talibanisation of Pakistan.”

    Unlike the former prime ministers Nawaz Sharif and Miss Bhutto, Mr Hussain is an exile whose party has consolidated its grip. But Karachi remains tense. The MQM’s most senior leader in Pakistan, Farooq Sattar, said: “The opposition wants to show that Karachi does not belong to the MQM. We have accepted the challenge.” Mr Hussain is one of the Indian subcontinent’s more unusual leaders. His political addresses by telephone have been known to last up to four hours, while a Western diplomat in Pakistan described the MQM as “something out of Chicago – nobody leaves the party”.
    While Mr Hussain promotes the party as a secular cause and courts the middle-class vote, his supporters are known to extort a goonda, or thug, tax from Karachi businesses.
    Mr Hussain, who once drove a taxi in Chicago for a living, micro-manages the MQM with acute attention to detail. The movement runs on Greenwich Mean Time with his ministers in Pakistan fielding hour-long telephone calls into the early hours. Mr Sattar admitted that his party’s image had been tarnished by “accusations of fascism and terrorism” but said this was a “misperception”.

    Some observers argue that in the tough city of Karachi the MQM has given a vulnerable group protection and a voice. After Mr Hussain left Pakistan, an army operation was launched against his party during which hundreds of its workers were either killed by police or were arrested on charges of terrorism. He has no plans to return to Pakistan. When asked why Mr Hussain was not deported to Pakistan before he was granted citizenship, a British diplomat said: “He has not committed a crime on British soil.”

  • We always forget this factor during any “Created Law and Order situation”

    De facto Sindh CM finally transferred – Monday, April 21, 2008 By Hamid Mir http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=14221

    ISLAMABAD: The man who has ruled Sindh as a de facto chief minister for many years finally lost his powers on Saturday.

    Brigadier Huda, who was an ISI commander in Sindh, was in fact the caretaker of the MQM-PML-Q provincial coalition government. He was responsible for running the coalition in a smooth manner. All major decisions were taken after his consultation.

    He resolved the differences between former CM Arbab Ghulam Rahim and the MQM many a time. Many provincial ministers even used to say “ooper Khuda aur neechay Huda”. The brigadier’s name figured in the power circles of Islamabad in the evening of May 12, 2007. Brigadier Huda was given credit for the show of massive government power in Karachi on that day.

    Initially, the MQM was reluctant to hold a rally in Karachi on May 12. The then ISI DG Gen Ashfaq Kayani also had the same opinion that the MQM should not come out on the streets when Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry would visit Karachi. It was Huda who played an important role in convincing the MQM not to cancel its rally. He assured the MQM leadership that there will be no riots on that day though he was proved wrong. He was supposed to be very close to the then Army chief General Pervez Musharraf. However, no action was taken against him.

    The blasts in the rally of Benazir Bhutto on October 18, 2007 in Karachi were another failure of Brigadier Huda. He was responsible for the security of Benazir Bhutto on that day more than anybody else. However, he was not transferred despite his repeated failures. His downfall started on April 9, 2008, when many people including lawyers were killed in the Karachi violence. It was another failure on the part of Huda. The new PPP government in Sindh felt that Brigadier Huda was still having immense political influence. It believed that he was in contact with the anti-PPP forces. Many important bureaucrats reported to the provincial government that Huda was interfering in different departments. He was more interested in “political makings and breakings” than doing his security job.

    After the episode of April 9, PPP leaders asked ISI Director General Lt Gen Nadeem Taj through the prime minister that Huda must be transferred. It took just a few days and Huda was transferred. He was replaced by another brigadier. The PPP gave a message that it means business and it will not tolerate any ambitious spymasters.

    There are rumors in the capital that the ISI DG will also be transferred soon but highly-placed sources in the new government dispelled all these rumours. “The prime minister has the authority to change the ISI DG anytime but right now we don’t need to change him,” claimed a top PPP leader.

  • MQM was established to counter Sindhi nationalists: Beg Daily Times Monitor Saturday, September 05, 2009 http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=200995\story_5-9-2009_pg7_4

    LAHORE: Former army chief Mirza Aslam Beg said on Friday the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) was established as a political measure to counter the Sindhi nationalist movement following the hanging of PPP founder Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

    Now read this:

    Ex COAS General Aslam Beg sabotaged ignited the fight between PPP-MQM in 1988 [only PPP and MQM suffered, read people of Sindh suffered] to attain certain Strategic Depths, before the election Aslam Beg send the money to MQM and Altaf Hussain and MQM returned the Money. Brig Imtiaz had contacted MQM on behalf of Hamid Gul and Beg to pressurize MQM to join IJI and MQM refused, now after 1988 Elections when MQM-PPP formed the coalition government, the same hidden hands started the present day tactics [exploiting the minor policy differences between PPP-MQM].

    Many of our friend are younger here and maybe they don’t know and it is a duty of those person who know that they should tell about the Dark Past. Pucca Qila Operation in Hyderabad against MQM was launched by the Police during the first PPP Govt. and the then Corps Commander Asif Nawaz had intervened and stopped that operation and gues what he himelf launched Operation Cleanup against MQM which was started against Dacoits in Interior of Sindh.

    On February 11, 1990, the army oversaw the messy business of exchange of 27 political workers captured by both the MQM and the PPP sides in tit-for-tat abductions. The exchange followed talks at the military headquarters at the instructions of Karachi Corps Commander Lt. General Asif Nawaz Janjua. There was General Asif Nawaz’s famous interview to the BBC, during which he dubbed the MQM as a terrorist organization. Whether this was true or not, it was no business of an army chief to pass this judgment. Subsequently, the army played a far from passive role in helping the dissidents of the MQM Haqiqi to take over the offices of the mainstream MQM.

    MQM is a reality, read Press Conference of Late. Benazir Bhutto after 18 October 2007 Karsaz Bomb Attack and She conveyed a lot in just one paragraph.

    “QUOTE”

    “She disclosed that a media representative had told her on return from Dubai that he had received a phone call from a retired military official that there would be an attack on her that day and that the MQM would be doing that. “I said that if such an attack comes, it will not be from the MQM.” REFERENCE: ‘Zia remnants’ blamed for Karachi carnage: Benazir vows to confront militants, fears more attacks By Shamim-ur-Rahman October 20, 2007 Saturday Shawwal 7, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/2007/10/20/top1.htm

    “UNQUOTE”

    General Babar had done operation against MQM and now the same General Babar is saying this:

    He criticized the MQM decision to join forces with the opposition. He said the MQM should join the government for the sake of peace in Karachi. REFERENCE: ‘Bill to cut president down to size this week’ News Desk Monday, April 14, 2008
    http://thenews.jang.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=14093

    Those [Army] who conducted Operation against MQM, are now [after killing MQM Political Activist] are now “saying” [after 18 years] that Operation was not Launched against MQM, Watch the Program:

    Jinnah Pur master mind Brig. Asif Haroon Proved Guilty – 1/5
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZEEN2ysFuMs&feature=PlayList&p=E1AC1A7DCEF0AF80&index=0&playnext=1

    This was did with MQM:Human Rights Crisis in Karachi – Amnesty International, Human Rights Crisis in Karachi, 1 February 1996, ASA/33/01/96, available at: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3ae6a9b40.html

    Genuine Complaints against MQM are there Provide information on the Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Altaf (MQM-A) in Pakistan. http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/country,,USCIS,,PAK,,414fe5aa4,0.html

    but doing what is mentioned above was, is and will be wrong – Political Parties should solve Political Problems through Dialog not through bullets and siege because then nobody will be left.

  • Please do keep these facts in mind

    “QUOTE”

    Investigators told Dawn that identity cards from the premier intelligence agency cited the suspects “ranks” as “sources”. They added, however, that the intelligence agency in question described the cards as being fake.Police said that entry cards for the Malir Cantonment area were also recovered from their possession. KARACHI: Attack on JSQM convoy: Surviving ‘assassin’ being grilled By S. Raza Hassan Sunday, 26 Jul, 2009 | 01:39 AM PST [DAILY DAWN] http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/local/karachi-attack-on-jsqm-convoy-surviving-assassin-being-grilled-679

    ‘شریف النفس’
    http://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/urdu/2009/11/post_544.html
    حسن مجتییٰ | 2009-11-25 ،12:36

    ا۔ ڈاکوؤں کیساتھ حکومت کے یہ مذاکرات کیٹی جتوئی کے ریسٹ ہاؤس سے خفیہ فوجی ایجنسی کے ایک کرنل اور ایک میجر کی نگرانی میں ہوئے تھے۔

    چينی انجنیئروں کو اغوا کرنے والا ڈاکو لائق چانڈیو اس سے قبل ان سندھی قوم پرستوں اور جانو آرائيں سمیت ڈاکوؤں کیساتھ مل کر حیدرآباد سندھ میں تیس ستمبر انیس سو اٹھاسی کے قتل عام میں شامل رہا تھا جس میں تین سو افراد قتل کیے گئے تھے۔ اس کارروائی کا مقصد ملک میں اعلان شدہ وہ عام انتخابات ملتوی کروانے تھے جو ضیا الحق کی موت کے بعد ہونے تھے۔

    کہتے ہیں کہ جانو آرائیں کیٹی جتوئی کی زمینوں پر کبھی منشی رہا تھا۔ لیکن انتخابات ملتوی نہیں ہوسکے تھے۔ ان اتنخابات میں علام مصطفی جتوئی اپنے آبائي حلقے سے بھی ہار گئے تھے۔ لیکن بعد میں انیس سو نوے میں انہیں نگران وزیر اعظم بنایا گیا اور انہوں نے بعد میں کھلے عام اعتراف کیا تھا کہ نوے کے انتخابات میں بڑے پیمانے پر سرکاری سطح پر دھاندھلیاں ہوئی تھیں۔

    watch this DAWN NEWS CHANNEL Investigative Program ON MEHRANGATE SCANDAL, Late Mr Jatoi was one of the beneficiary – [DAWN News TV Investigation Report with Masood Sharif – 6th January 2008 http://www.sharifpost.com/2008/01/06/dawn-news-tv-investigation-report/

    “UNQUOTE”

  • An interesting comment by Khalid Wasti on Zulfiqar Mirza’s statement:

    ذوالفقار مرزا کے بیان کو پیش کیا جاتا ہے کہ اس نے کہا ہم گڑھی خدا بخش سے “پاکستان نہ کھپے،، کا نعرہ لگانے والے تھے کہ آصف زرداری نے “پاکستان کھپے،، کا اعلان کرکے ہمیں خاموش کر دیا ۔

    اس بیان کے یہ معنی بیان کیئے جاتے ہیں کہ ذوالفقار مرزا پاکستان توڑا چاہتا تھا ۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔ کیا پاکستان ایک تنکا ہے ؟ جسے ذوالفقار مرزا نے اپنے ہاتھ میں پکڑا ہوا ہے اور وہ جب چاہے اسے توڑ دے ؟

    ہمارے متعصب “دانشور،، بھی اچھی طرح سے جانتے ہیں کہ ذوالفقار مرزا کیا کہنا چاہ رہا تھا لیکن جو کچھ اس کے بیان کا اصل مفہوم اور مرکزی نکتہ ہے وہ “متعصب دانشوروں،، کے پراپیگنڈہ سے مختلف ہے اس لیئے انہوں اس کے بیان کو وہ رنگ دے دیا جو ان کی پراپیگنڈہ مہم میں فٹ ہوتا ہے ۔

    ذوالفقار مرزا کے بیان کا مرکزی اور بنیادی نکتہ کیا تھا ؟ وہ ثابت کیا کرنا چاہتا تھا؟

    اس کے بیان کا مرکزی نکتہ آصف زرداری کی حب الوطنی کا اظہار تھا ، اس کا زور اس بات پر تھا کہ زرداری وفاق کی سیاست پر ایمان رکھتا ہے اور انتہائی محب الوطن شخص ہے اور آپ ہیں کہ اس کے بیان سے وہ تائثر پیدا کر رہے ہیں جو کہنے والے کے نکتہءنظر سے مختلف بلکہ برعکس ہے ۔ کیا یہی دیانتداری ہے ؟ کیا یہی زرد صحافت نہیں ہے ؟

    بینظیر کی شہادت پر پیپلز پارٹی کے ایک کارکن کے جو جذبات تھے اس کا اندازہ لگانا مشکل نہیں ، خصوصا سندھی نوجوان ۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔ یہ وہ پس منظر ہے جس میں ذوالفقار مرزا کہہ رہا ہے کہ ہم لوگوں کے جذبات پر
    غم و غصہ اس قدر حاوی ہو گیا تھا کہ ہم گڑھی خدا بخش سے پاکستان نہ کھپے کا نعرہ لگانا چاہتے تھے لیکن اس انتہائی جذباتی صورت ِ حال میں بھی آصف زرداری نے پاکستان کھپے کا اعلان کرکے سب کے منہ بند کردیئے ۔۔

    ذولفقار مرزا ہائی لائیٹ کرنا چاہتا ہے آصف زرداری کی حب الوطنی اور آپ ہائی لائیٹ کر رہے ہیں
    ذوالفقار مرزاکی “ پاکستان توڑنے کی سازش،، جیسے پاکستان ذوالفقار مرزا کے ہاتھ میں ایک تنکا ہے کہ وہ جب چاہے اسے توڑ دے ۔

    تمام صحافیوں اور اینکر پرسنز کی خدمت میں التجا ہے کہ خدا کے لیئے اپنے لفظوں کی پاسداری کیا کرو ۔
    دن رات آپ اتحاد ، یگانگت اور یکجہتی کو ملک کی بقا کے لیئے ناگزیر قرار دیتے ہو اور جب عمل کرنے کا وقت آتا ہے تو سیاق و سباق کو نظر انداز کرکے ایسے ایسے مفہوم پیش کرتے ہو جن سے خود تمہارے اپنے بیانوں کی نفی ہوتی ہے ۔

    Another interesting comment by Khalid Wasti on the target killings in Karachi:

    بلی تھیلے سے باہر آرہی ہے
    ۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔
    کراچی میں ٹارگٹ کلنگ

    پیپلز پارٹی کی حکومت کو ‘‘ آئینی اور جمہوری ،، طریقے سے گرانے کا ایک ہی راستہ ہے ۔ وہ یہ کہ اسمبلی کے اندر پیپلز پارٹی کی عددی اکثریت کو ختم کر دیا جائے ۔
    یہ کام کیسے کیا جا سکتا ہے ؟
    پیپلز پارٹی کے حلیفوں کو ان سے الگ کر دیا جائے ؟
    یہ کام کیسے کیا جا سکتا ہے ؟
    دونوں پارٹیوں کے اندر اختلافات اور ماضی کے لڑائی جھگڑوں کی دبی ہوئی چنگاریوں پر تیل چھڑک کر ان چنگاریوں کو بھڑکتے ہوئے شعلوں میں بدل دیا جائے ۔
    یہ کام کیسے کیا جاسکتا ہے ؟
    “ بہترین طریقہ ،، یہ ہے کہ دونوں پارٹیوں کی ٹارگٹ کلنگ کرائی جائے تاکہ اس قتل و غارت گری کا الزام یہ ایک دوسرے پر لگائیں اور “ گرینڈ پلان ،، پر عمل در آمد ‘‘ کامیابی کی منزل ،، کی جانب بڑھتا رہے !
    یہ گرینڈ پلان کس کا ہے ؟
    جو نہیں چاہتے کہ اس ملک میں جمہوری حکومت چلے اور جمہور کے نمائیندے جمہور کی خواہشات کے مطابق حکومت کی اندرونی اور بیرونی پالیسیاں چلا سکیں ۔
    جمہوری حکومت کو کون گرانا چاہتے ہیں ؟
    وہی جو آج تک گراتے آئے ہیں ۔

    Source: pkpolitics

  • Violence in Karachi was not an Ethnic Clash Between Urdu Speaking and Baluch Community.
    http://www.balochvoice.com/SBF/Seminar_MQM_2_12_01.html

    Speech by Mr. Anwar MQM at Seminar on Positioning Pakistan in “War Against Terrorism”
    Chairperson Sindhi-Baloch Forum Conway Hall, London WC1

    Mr. Chairperson

    I am extremely delighted to have been invited to speak to the distinguished guests and the members of the public from your Forum. The subject of the discussion of this Seminar “Positioning Pakistan in “War Against Terrorism” is an extremely complex one. The word “Positioning” signifies choice whereas in case of Pakistan, Pakistan had no choice of positioning herself. In the governance of Pakistan or in its foreign policy, the ruling oligarchy of Punjab does not consider political or public consensus. It was imposed by a single telephonic conversation between the senior members of the U S Administration and the President General Parvez Musharraf, which according to the news reports was as follows? U.S. “What did we just say? The Taliban are your guys. Osama-bin-Laden has their protection. We have just lost 6000 people. We are in no mood for games. You join us, or face our wrath too”. That in fact, decided the “Positioning” of the Government of Pakistan in “War Against Terrorism”.

    Before the tragic terrorists attacks on the Twin Towers in New York and Washington on 11th. September 2001, the “Positioning” of Pakistan was crystal clear. I am quoting two excerpts from the statements of the President of Pakistan General Parvez Musharraf; the first one was made on 5th. February 2000 that stated: “Jihad is not terrorism, Mujahideen organisations are not terrorist organisations. Jihad had been revived during Afghan war and now it is Jihad in Kashmir. Muslims from different parts of the world are coming together to support their oppressed brothers and sisters”. On 14th. August 2001, he said: “The Taliban are the dominant reality in Afghanistan, and the international community should engage rather than isolate them”. Those statements should be clear enough to establish the position of Pakistan pre- and post 11th. September 2001 tragedy.

    The Military and the ISI had created the Taliban and hundreds other terrorists groups, trained them, fed them, nourished them and then armed them in the name of “Jihad”. It then, connected them with Osama-bin-Laden and his Al-Qaeda to conquer the entire Afghanistan in search of strategic-depth in case of an Indian attack. Expecting Pakistan to fight terrorism is like asking Frank stein to destroy his own monster.

    While supporting the United States, Great Britain and the International Community in dismantling the Taliban and Al-Qaeda network, the ISI continually played the double game. It continued its logistic support to the Taliban, formulated their war strategy including supply of arms and men. The MQM continuously kept informing President George W Bush and the Prime Minister Rt.Hon. Tony Blair about the double game and duplicity of the ISI. The intelligence information gathering of the MQM was validated by the voluminous International Press reports about the double game of the ISI, later on.

    I, on behalf of the MQM and the permanent citizens of Sindh offered fullest and unconditional support to the United States and Great Britain in combating and eradicating terrorism from face of the earth including Afghanistan. I offered them humint resources for intelligence gathering and monitoring of “Madrassas” in Sindh province and Punjab. I organised “Rally Against Terrorism” in Karachi in which, over 300,000 men, women and children participated to show their solidarity with the International Community on 26th. September 2001. This was the first demonstration of its kind in favour of the United States and Great Britain, in any part of the world. The “Rally against Terrorism” was followed by the province-wide vigil on 27th. September 2001. Terrorism and violence, in any shape or form, cannot and will not be tolerated, whether committed by the Governments’, groups or individuals, in any part of the world. We must endeavour to make the world free of violence, terrorism, hatred and vengeance.

    However, my heart throbs for Pakistan. Blood within my veins gushes for Sindh. Annexation of 17 villages of Sindh to the province of Punjab by the colonialists and expansionists Establishment will not be tolerated. If, expansionism of Punjab to the detriment of Sindh continues, I swear, Mohajirs and Sindhis will have no alternative but to seek the right to self-determination. Kalabagh Dam will never be built. Due shares of Sindh under the NFC and in other spheres of life including employment must be attained.

    The President of Pakistan General Parvez Musharraf, on his trip to the United States and Turkey, repeatedly said that Afghanistan is a multi-ethnic country. All ethno-linguistic and cultural groups shall be included in the broad-based government. He repeatedly cited the “Pashtun” segment. Similarly, the religious parties and Jihadi groups claimed that they would not accept the Government of the Northern Alliance or any one nation. They persist that a broad-based government in Afghanistan should be formulated in which all ethno-linguistic groups should be represented including the “Pashtun”. There is a “Hadith” in which the prophet Mohammad (PBUH) said, “You should only preach what you practice”. Parvez Musharraf should form a broad-based government in Pakistan, first, before preaching for a broad-based government in Afghanistan. All the ethno-linguistic groups of Pakistan should be equitably represented not only in the governance of the state but also in all walks of life including the Army and other institutions. He should also make public announcement in regards to giving equal rights to all the ethno-linguistic cultural minorities of Pakistan including the religious minorities. The religious minorities should be incorporated into the “Joint Electoral System” instead of voting rights under “Separate Electoral System”.

    The present and past ruling oligarchies, Punjabi Establishment and the political and religious leaders claimed that those seeking rights on the basis of ethnicity are the agents of Jews, Christians and the Hindus and also anti-Islam. They also claim that in Islam, there is no ethnicity and having recited the “Kalama” (verse) the ethno-linguistic and cultural identity transcends into one identity that is Islam. The same religious and political parties that proclaimed nationhood on the basis of Islam are now advocating the formation of a broad-based government in Afghanistan and the inclusion of “Pashtun” alongside of the other ethnicities. I had been all along telling that religion does not supersede ethno-linguistic and cultural affinities and religions do not form nations. I challenge the religious and political leaders to have a public debate with me over this subject.

    Nations are born in accordance with the teachings and maxims of the revered and blessed saint of Sindh, Shah Abdul Latif Bhitai RH that the land of Sindh belongs to people who live on it whether he is a Hindu, Christian or Muslim or non-Muslim. This land is the land of those who live on permanent basis and it provides sanctuary to people belonging to all faith under her wings. The ideology of religion is not dependent on the geographical boundaries and those confine it into geographical boundaries, commit wrong. I ask the Jihadi and religious groups who claim of the renaissance of Islam and hoisting of Pakistani flag on the Red Fort of Delhi shall not make Sindh, a centre of their fanaticism and go to Punjab to carryout their terrorism and patronisation of the terrorists. They claim Lahore as the heart of Pakistan but demonstrate in Karachi.

    I re-iterate that the permanent citizens of Sindh are united on the issues of the Kalabagh Dam and NFC Award and on the injustice practised against them in other sectors including employment and recruitment in the Army and other national institutions. I call upon the Establishment of Punjab that if a single village of Gothki were annexed to Punjab then the people of Sindh would not like to live with Pakistan. I do not care if another case of treason is registered against me on this account. If those villages are annexed to Punjab then we will struggle in unison and snatch those villages back to form the part of Sindh, again.

    The MQM is brining political awareness amongst the permanent citizens of Sindh and building bridges to narrow the gap between Sindhis and Mohajirs. The understanding and harmony between both the communities is being harnessed and an understanding of this is developing amongst Mohajirs and Sindhis. “Divide and Rule” policy of the rulers and feudal oligarchy will not work any more and nor would the process of colonisation of Sindh. The grass roots Sindhis are joining the MQM and a realisation is dawning upon both that a unified struggle is now inevitable against the common enemy. The Mohajirs have accepted Sindhis as a ground reality in Sindh and Sindhi brethren should also accept Mohajirs as a ground reality, we both have to live and die for Sindh. We must choose the way of compromise over conflict. We must remember that united we stand and divided we fall. If we remain divided, both Mohajirs and Sindhis would never get their rights and the Establishment of Punjab will continually rule over us and we will continually remain as its salves. We have to choose freedom over slavery.

    Thank you, Ladies and Gentlemen.

    Speech given by Mr. Anwar on behalf of Mr. Altaf Hussain who could not attend the function because of his brother- in-law’s serious health condition.

    Organisers: World Sindhi Congress & Baloch Voice (Sindhi Baloch forum) 2.12.01

  • Non state factors always blamed PPP that it is using Sind card but Sind card always used against PPP, and Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto Shaheed always called non state factors as followers of Zia or Zia ki Baqiat. But President Asif Ali Zardari trying to avoid these wording and this is the biggest mistake. If President Zardari do not take action against these type of persons then they will able to derail the Government, why I am saying that it has a back ground;

    Ansar Abbasi says in a talk show that “Mr. Nawaz Sharif has to take action against the Government as he is the leader of opposition but he is silent, they openly leave Government upon his will.”

    The journalist of this type trying to increase sell of their news paper by passing this type of statements, they never think that however their news paper will increased the sell but the country of which this news paper belongs to will not remain stable they always think about themselves not about the country where they live, the mentality of Ansar Abbasi openly reveal to every citizen of Pakistan when he bravely shouted upon his senior fellow and a senior journalist Mr. Nazir Naji in Capital Talk (aka the bullying show & in that program Hamid Mir also targeted Let us build Pakistan), Ansar Abbasi not even know how to behave with senior journalist however Mr. Nazir Naji politely trying to give his answer in a reasonable manner but Mr. Ansar Abbasi will not admit any excuses. He does not listen any single comment upon him but will say everything about anyone whether he is a President of the State.

  • Playing the Sindh card

    Saturday, January 30, 2010
    Zafar Hilaly

    When it comes to discussing discrimination practised against those who belong to the smaller provinces, many who are domiciled in Punjab prefer to avoid the subject. They seem to forget that however fair they may want to be, by refusing to acknowledge what is a widespread feeling in the smaller provinces, or by passively accepting and acquiescing in the discrimination, they allow those responsible to salve their conscience by believing that they have the acceptance and concurrence of their fellow Punjabis. When told that an excellent officer was being ignored merely on account of his provenance, a senior Punjabi colleague brushed it aside with the remark, “Actually, all life is about discrimination.”

    Alas, it is not so simple. Pakistan was dismembered because for decades, the Bengalis felt that they were targets of rank discrimination till a point was reached when it no longer became tolerable. It is that feeling, that hurt, which gave rise to the possibility of secession rather than foreign machinations or the “traitors” of the Awami League.

    Sadly, the same feeling is now in the air. Of course, in Balochistan it has caught on to an alarming extent. The Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) has a separate flag, a distinct national anthem, an army and a manifesto that brazenly calls for independence. Thankfully, in the other provinces that was not the case till Mr Zardari played the Sindh card during his visit to Larkana, following the Supreme Court’s short order earlier this month.

    And now what was once viewed as a tactic by him to escape the likely consequences of the judgement, the dirge of a harassed president, the last throw of the dice, as it were, is increasingly seen as brave, righteous and justified indignation against discrimination practised by institutions manned mostly by Punjabis against a regime and its leader who belongs to Sindh.

    Only time will tell whether or not it was wise to play the Sindh card; of greater interest is why he should have had recourse to it and why the sense of alienation that exists in Sindh should continue 62 years after independence.

    The bed rock of Pakistan’s formation was and will always be the 1940 Pakistan Resolution. That seminal document called for a Pakistan comprising “sovereign” and “autonomous” states with the centre retaining only defence foreign affairs, and currency. In contrast, Pakistan’s first Constitution (1956) contained 36 entries in the federal legislative List. This number was increased to 67 in the 1973 Constitution. Subsequent amendments changed the entire basis of the constitution. It was transformed into a unitary instead of a federal instrument. Police, railway, gas, etc, which were actually provincial subjects were retained by the Ccntre. “Such misuse of the concept of the concurrent legislative list,” Sindhis say, “was deeply resented by Sindh.”

    Similarly, the smaller provinces felt short-changed by a lack of representation in the Central Superior Services (CSS). In the case of Balochistan, there is a glaring shortfall. Likewise, the amount and pace of development in Punjab, especially Lahore, is so strikingly greater than that in the other provinces or provincial capitals that comparisons are invidious and hurtful.

    Yet neither the drift from a constitutionally weak to a super strong centre is the main cause for anger. Constitutional amendments that will be tabled once the Rabbani proposals are finalised, should hopefully reverse the trend towards centralisation. Similarly, additional recruitment will be able to address the shortfall in officers belonging to the smaller provinces. Proportionately more funds to the provinces than Punjab will enable them to begin the long journey of catching up with the former. The real problem is the attitudes of leaders, bureaucrats and the elite of Punjab towards those of their ilk from another province. Punjabis look condescendingly on others, not as younger brothers but more like poor cousins.

    In the case of political leaders, the marked contrast in this regard between the mien of Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto are revealing.

    Nawaz Sharif is has surrounded himself with fellow Punjabis. Very few, if any, of those that form his coterie are non Punjabis. And their preferred mode of communication is often Punjabi. It is probably not a conscious decision to exclude non-Punjabis but rather, and more alarmingly, a natural and instinctive preference. Mr Sharif’s actions too belie his claim to be an all-Pakistan leader. Thus, it is not that he has no time for Sindh or Balochistan; it is just that he seems averse to leaving Punjab unless it is to go to London, Dubai or Jeddah. Besides, he seems to feel that until it becomes absolutely necessary to attend to the tiresome business of soliciting votes, why visit the other provinces? His beat extends mostly from Lahore to Murree, hence the Raiwind-Islamabad highway was built by him much before it was an economically viable proposition. Even today, it is probably a white elephant.

    One recalls a World Bank missive written in the mid-90s stating precisely why the Raiwind highway was a profligate waste of money at the time. This so riled Benazir Bhutto that she sent a delegation to Turkey to prevail on President Demirel to ask the Turkish firm awarded the contract to stop work and forego the stiff penalty clause in the contract because otherwise “Pakistan will go broke.” Ask him to do us a favour, were her instructions in so many words. One also recalls the look of utter horror on Demirel’s face when confronted by such a request. After a long lecture on why “business is business”, he let it rest. Needless to say, he refused to intervene.

    Nawaz Sharif’s action in persuading businessmen from Karachi to relocate to Punjab in the wake of the disturbances in Karachi in the mid-90s was probably not of his own making. After all, he could hardly force them to do so. However, the avid glee with which he canvassed such a move and the welcome they received in Punjab is still recalled vividly by many businessmen in Karachi. They view it as a parochial move that illustrated his unconcern for Karachi and the welfare of its citizens who obviously did not have the means to relocate to the Punjab and hence lost their only means of livelihood.

    Against Benazir Bhutto, on the other hand, no such accusation was ever proffered. Around her were men and women from every province, religion, vocation, sect, and gender. And, more often than not, the language of communication was English. Her biases, such as they were, had everything to do with her liking, regard and respect for the individual and never for his or her province of domicile. She did little to develop her hometown Larkana which bears signs of government neglect to an extent that is clearly inexcusable. And although that may have been mere thoughtlessness, one suspects not. It is simply that she looked at all of Pakistan as her constituency, hence favouring one city or province in preference to another made absolutely no sense to her.

    And this may well hold the secret to the huge response that Sindhis of all vocations and classes gave to Mr Zardari when he played the Sindh card. It is not that he is popular or greatly liked. On the contrary, few Sindhis hold him in high regard. However, they seem to sense that with the death of Pakistan’s last truly national leader, they have been absolved of their responsibility to the federation. It is as if they are saying “that’s it; we have done our bit and now we mean to look out for themselves,” like their Punjabi compatriots. They are not overly concerned of what is fair or just when it comes to dispensing resources or favours. They expect Mr Zardari to oblige Sindh in spades in return for their support.

    The writer is a former ambassador. Email: charles123it@hotmail.com

    http://thenews.jang.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=221497

  • Four gunned down in Korangi ambush By Our Staff Reporter
    Wednesday, 23 Jun, 2010 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/local/four-gunned-down-in-korangi-ambush-360

    KARACHI, June 22: An attack on a car in a congested locality of Korangi on Tuesday afternoon left four people, including an activist of a political party, dead as the number of targeted killings continues to increase amid government claims and police resolve to put an end to the year-long series of political and ethnic killings in the city.

    However, the city police chief ruled out the latest incident as part of the recent wave of targeted killings, insisting that the deadly attack was not politically motivated. Rather it was a result of some land dispute between two groups, he claimed.

    “The firing incident was reported just after 1pm,” said Sub-Inspector Asif Jakhrani, the SHO of the Korangi Industrial Area police station.

    “Four men travelling in a black 2,000cc car were intercepted in a P&T Colony street by armed men travelling in a smaller car. Initially, there were witness accounts that two armed men on a motorbike did this job, but it emerged later that the armed men were travelling in a white 1,000 cc car.”

    He said the victims’ car was moving slowly in a narrow alleyway of the congested locality when the white car emerged from the other end and forced its driver to stop. “Two men armed with an AK-47 rifle and a 9mm pistol came out of the white car and fired multiple shots from two sides of their car, leaving all the four men dead in a pool of blood inside their vehicle. The victims suffered bullet wounds in the head, chest and upper torso,” the SHO said.

    The armed men sped away following the attack, he said. Area people later came out of their homes and gathered at the crime-scene. They retrieved the dead bodies from the car bearing registration number ARY-556 before the police reached there.

    The bodies were then shifted to the ambulances of a charity and taken to the Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Centre (JPMC) for medico-legal formalities.

    The victims were identified as Naseem Haider, Mohammad Bakhsh, Mohammad Habib and Farman Ali. Naseem Haider and Mohammad Bakhsh were residents of Juma Goth in Korangi. Muhammad Habib and Farman Ali lived in Korangi No 2½ and 5½, respectively.

    Claiming deceased Mohammad Bakhsh to be their party worker, the Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz later blamed a partner in the coalition government for the targeted killing. “It’s in fact the weakness of a major partner in the coalition government that it keeps itself attached to those involved in such crimes,” said the party spokesman without naming any political party.

    However, police investigators believed that the killings were caused by some old dispute over land.

    “Two of the four victims had already clashed with their rival party, and there were reports about firing during the clash,” said an official associated with the investigation arm of the Korangi Industrial Area police station.

    “The opponents also enjoy political backing of some individuals and groups.”

    Speaking to Dawn, Capital City Police Officer Waseem Ahmed also insisted that the murder of four men were not part of the recent wave of targeted killings. “It was basically a dispute over some property or a piece of land that resulted in the attack. One should not confuse this with any political issue,” the CCPO said.

  • Parties condemn targeted killings By Our Staff Reporter Wednesday, 23 Jun, 2010 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/local/parties-condemn-targeted-killings-360

    KARACHI, June 22: The Muttahida Qaumi Movement, the Awami National Party and the Mohajir Qaumi Movement, better known as Haqiqi, have condemned what they view as a fresh wave of targeted killings in the city.

    They have also demanded immediate arrest of the criminals involved in such incidents.

    Although the three parties expressed utter dissatisfaction with the law and order situation in the metropolis, they refrained from holding any particular group or party responsible for the latest incidents of violence.The MQM’s coordination committee said in a statement that vested interests were trying to wreck the city’s peace.

    It said that Karachi was the country’s hub of economic development and the elements conspiring to disturb its peace were the enemies of Pakistan.

    Condemning the acts of terrorism in Korangi and Surjani Town, the MQM called upon the governor and the chief minister to take serious action and award exemplary punishment to all those involved in such acts.

    ANP leader Shahi Syed also condemned the violent incidents and stressed the need for an indiscriminate action against criminals involved in sectarian, political and ethnic targeted killings. He said that the metropolis should be purged of all kinds of weapons to restore peace.

    He said that targeted killings had become a routine feature of Karachi life and business and commercial activities in the city were being affected by the breakdown of law and order.

    According to a press release, he said that in some localities of the city, Pakhtuns were being targeted in an organised manner. He asked the law-enforcement agencies to arrest the criminals responsible for targeted killings.

    A leader of the MQM-Haqiqi strongly criticised the government for failing to maintain peace in the city and said that besides his party workers and sympathisers, activists of the Pakistan People’s Party were also being targeted but it appeared that the ruling party was not concerned about the killing of its own workers.

    Zafar Aziz, the central joint secretary of the Haqiqi, said in a statement that Karachi and Hyderabad were virtually ruled by terrorists and the writ of the government was not seen anywhere.

  • بی بی سی سے بات کرتے ہوئے ڈاکٹر مہدی حسن نے کہا کہ پیپلز پارٹی کی پانچ سالہ کارکردگی کا دفاع کیا جا سکتا تھا لیکن کسی نہیں کیا۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ خراب کارکردگی کا دفاع ملک میں دہشت گردی، سکیورٹی کی ابتر صورتحال کی بنیاد پر ہو سکتا تھا لیکن نہیں کیا گیا۔
    انہوں نے کہا کہ کچھ اتحادی جماعتوں کے علاوہ دوسری سیاسی جماعتوں نے دہشت گردی کے مسئلے سے نمٹنے کےلیے حکومت کی مدد نہیں کی۔’بعض سیاسی جماعتوں نے تو دہشتگردوں کی مدد کی۔‘
    نظریات کی جگہ سیاسی لوٹوں کی سیاست
    “جنرل ضیاالحق نے پیپلز پارٹی کے خلاف ایک مہم شروع کی تھی جس کا بینادی نکتہ تھا کہ پیپلز پارٹی سندھ کی ایک’ وطن دشمن جماعت‘ ہے۔پیپلز پارٹی کی قیادت اس مہم کا موثر جواب نہیں دے سکی ہے اور اور پنجاب میں پیپلز پارٹی کا زوال جاری ہے۔ پیپلز پارٹی نے نظریات کی سیاست چھوڑ کر سیاسی لوٹوں کو اپنی جماعت میں جگہ دی۔ جن پیپلز پارٹی کے سیاستدانوں نے استعفے دیے ہیں وہ اچھا اقدام ہے اور ایسے لوگ جو اب بھی استعفے نہیں دے رہے ہیں تو انہیں زبردستی ہٹا دیا جانا چاہیے”
    انہوں نے کہا کہ جنرل ضیاالحق نے پیپلز پارٹی کے خلاف ایک مہم شروع کی تھی جس کا بینادی نکتہ تھا کہ پیپلز پارٹی سندھ کی ایک’ وطن دشمن جماعت‘ ہے۔
    انہوں نے کہا کہ پیپلز پارٹی کی قیادت اس مہم کا موثر جواب نہیں دے سکی ہے اور اور پنجاب میں پیپلز پارٹی کا زوال جاری ہے۔
    انہوں نے کہا پیپلز پارٹی نے نظریات کی سیاست چھوڑ کر سیاسی لوٹوں کو اپنی جماعت میں جگہ دی۔
    ایک سوال کے جواب میں کہ کیا پیپلز پارٹی کی بھٹو خاندان پر مکمل انحصار پارٹی کی کمزروی نہیں بن گئی ہے، انہوں نے کہا کہ بلکل بن گئی ہے اور اب پارٹی کے حکمت عملی طے کرنے والوں کو سوچنا چاہیے کہ وہ مزید کتنا عرصہ تک بھٹو خاندان پر انحصار کر سکتے ہیں۔

    گورنر پنجاب نے مستعفی ہونے کا اعلان کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ وہ پارٹی کے عام کارکن کی حیثیت سے کام کریں گے
    انہوں نے کہا تین چار کروڑ نئے ووٹروں نے نہ تو ذوالفقار علی بھٹو کو دیکھا ہے اور وہ نہ بینظیر بھٹو سے اس طرح جذباتی طور پر منسلک ہیں جس طرح پوری نسلیں تھیں۔انہوں نے پیپلز پارٹی کی پوری انتخابی مہم’نوحہ گری‘ تھی۔
    انہوں نے کہا کہ پیپلز پارٹی نے پنجاب پارٹی قیادت ایک ایسے شخص کے حوالے کر دی جس کی ساری زندگی پیپلز پارٹی کے خلاف گزری۔
    انہوں نے کہا کہ مجھے نہیں معلوم کہ منظور وٹو کو کس کے مشورے پر پیپلز پارٹی پنجاب کا صدر بنایا گیا تھا۔ انہوں نے جہانگیر بدر جو بیس سال تک پارٹی کے سیکرٹری جنرل رہے وہ ان انتخِابات میں کہیں نظر نہیں آئے اور اب پتہ چلا ہے کہ انہیں پارٹی کے عہدے سے ہٹایا جا چکا ہے اور ان کی جگہ لطیف کھوسہ کو پارٹی کا سیکرٹری جنرل بنا دیا گیا ہے۔انہوں نے کہا کہ کسی کو نہیں معلوم یہ کب اور کیسے ہوا۔
    انہوں نے کہا کہ پیپلز پارٹی جو پنجاب کی انتہائی مقبول جماعت تھی اس کو اسی صورت میں دوبارہ کھڑا کیا جا سکتا ہے جب پارٹی اس نظریاتی سیاست کی طرف لوٹ جائے جہاں سے اسے شروع کیا گیا تھا

    http://www.bbc.co.uk/urdu/pakistan/2013/05/130514_ppp_politician_resigns_zz.shtml

    پیپلز پارٹی نظریات کی سیاست چھوڑ چکی ہے
    http://www.bbc.co.uk/urdu/multimedia/2013/05/130514_dr_mehdi_audio.shtml

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