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Ansar Abbasi appreciates Nawaz Sharif’s decision to part ways from PPP

Related articles: Rauf Klasra’s article on PML-N’s opportunistic politics

Sharif brothers are patronizing corrupt politics

PPP gains confidence, PML-N loses nerves

March in March – by Ahsan Abbas Shah

Editor’s note: There has to be something wrong with Nawaz Sharif’s decision to part ways from the PPP in Punjab if known Taliban apologists such as Ansar Abbasi are supporting his decision to replace reconciliation with confrontation. Mian sahib is better advised to exercise caution and eat some maghz in addition to (if not instead of) siri paye to improve his decision making skills.


مفاہمتی سیاست کا ڈرامہ

انصار عباسی

پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی دُہائیاں دیتی رہ گئی کہ اس کو پنجاب حکومت سے باہر مت دھکیلیں۔ نام نہاد مفاہمت کی پالیسی کے واسطے بھی دیئے گئے۔ حتّیٰ کہ صدر آصف علی زرداری کے نمائندے اور وزیراعظم یوسف رضا گیلانی تک بھی آخر دم تک منّتیں ترلے کرتے رہے کہ پیپلز پارٹی کے وزراء کو مسلم لیگ ن، پنجاب حکومت سے خیرباد نہ کہے۔ مزید وقت لینے کے لیے تمام تر کوششیں کی جاتی رہیں مگر آخر کار ن لیگ نے وہ فیصلہ کر لیا جو کافی عرصہ قبل ہو جانا چاہئے تھا۔

تین سال گزرنے کے بعد میاں نواز شریف کو بلآخر احساس ہو ہی گیا کہ ان کو اور ان کی پارٹی کو کس خوبصورتی سے صدر زرداری بے وقوف بناتے رہے۔ ایک ایسے وقت پر جب ملک معاشی تباہی کے دھانے تک پہنچ چکا ہے، میاں صاحب کے صبر کا پیمانہ لبریز ہوا اور انہوں نے بھی اس بات کا تہیہ کیا کہ اب ان کے لیے حقیقی اپوزیشن کا کردار ادا کرنے کا وقت آ چکاہے۔

پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی سے علیحدگی کا اعلان کرتے ہوئے میاں نواز شریف نے عوام کو اپنے گلوں شکووں، صدر زرداری کی وعدہ خلافیوں اور حکومت کی کرپشن اور نااہل حکمرانی کی روداد سنائی اور اس امر کا اظہار کیا کہ معاملات مزید اس انداز میں نہیں چل سکتے۔

دیر آید درست آید۔ مگر یہاں یہ حقیقت تسلیم کرنی چاہئے کہ صدر زرداری صاحب نے کس چالاکی سے ن لیگ کی اصول پسند سیاست کو اپنے مقاصد کے لئے استعمال کیا۔ صدر صاحب نے ہر وعدہ،ہر معاہدہ اور ہر نعرہ حکومت میں اپنی گرفت کو مضبوط کرنے کے لئے استعمال کیا۔ اگر اٹھارویں ترمیم کے ذریعے صدر کے اختیارات وزیراعظم کو منتقل کئے گئے تو اسی ترمیم کے ذریعے اپنے آپ کو زرداری صاحب نے بحیثیت پارٹی قائد اس حد تک مضبوط کر لیا کہ وزیراعظم یوسف رضا گیلانی تمام آئینی اختیارات کے باوجود بااختیار نہ بن سکے اور تمام تر اہم فیصلوں کا مرکز ایوان صدر ہی رہا۔ سیاست میں اختیارات کی جنگ اور اس کے لئے سیاسی داؤپیچ میں صدر زرداری نے اپنے تمام مخالفین اور اتحادیوں کو پیچھے چھوڑ دیا۔

اگر اس سب کا مقصد عوام کی فلاح اور ملک و قوم کی ترقی ہوتا تو یہ سب قابل تحسین ہوتا مگر گزشتہ تین سال میں صدر زرداری اور ان کے حواریوں کی سیاست کا واحد مقصد اپنے ذاتی مفادات کا حصول رہا۔ کرپشن اور بدعنوانی کے پرانے تمام ریکارڈ توڑ دیئے گئے۔ حکومتی، آئینی اور قانونی اختیارات کو اپنے پیاروں اور یار دوستوں کو نوازنے کے لئے اس حد تک استعمال کیا جاتا رہا کہ خراب حکمرانی اور کرپشن کے لحاظ سے پاکستان دنیا کے لئے بدترین ممالک میں شمار کیا جانے لگا۔ تمام تر توجہ لوٹ مار، بدعنوانی، اقرباپروری اور سیاسی چالاکیوں پر رہی۔ مہنگائی ، بجلی و گیس کی لوڈشیڈنگ، بیروزگاری اور قومی و عوامی مسائل کی طرف حکومتی سرد مہری نے عوام پر زندگی تنگ کر دی۔ کجا یہ کہ عوامی مسائل کو حل کرنے کے لئے کوئی توجہ دی جاتی، عوام کو لوٹنے والوں، حج کرپشن میں شامل افراد، این آئی سی ایل کے ملزمان، پاکستان اسٹیل کے اربوں اڑانے والوں اور قومی دولت سے اپنی جیبیں بھرنے والے بڑے بڑے چور ڈاکوؤں کو حکومتی تحفظ دیا گیا۔ نیب اور ایف آئی اے میں اپنے من پسند افراد کو اعلیٰ عہدوں پربٹھا کر اس بات کو یقینی بنایا گیا کہ لوٹ مار کرنے والے بلاخوف و خطراس ملک کی بنیادوں کو کھوکھلا اور عوام کا خون چوستے رہیں۔

ان حالات میں مسلم لیگ(ن) اور اس کے قائد میاں نوازشریف پر بھاری ذمہ داری عائد ہوتی تھی کہ وہ ایک حقیقی اپوزیشن کا کردار ادا کرتے ہوئے ہر وہ قانونی اور جمہوری حربہ استعمال کرتے جس کے نتیجے میں وہ سرکاری خزانے کی لوٹ مار اور عوامی مسائل میں بے تحاشا اضافہ کا سبب بننے والی حکومت کے راستے کی رکاوٹ بنتے۔ مگر میاں صاحب نے ججوں کے بحالی میں اپنے قابل تحسین اور مثبت کردار کے بعد صدر زرداری اور ان کے حواریوں کیلئے میدان کھلا چھوڑ دیا کہ وہ جس انداز میں چاہیں، حکمرانی کریں۔ کبھی کبھار جب میاں صاحب کا خون کھولتا تو وہ ایک آدھ سخت پریس کانفرنس کر دیتے مگر عملی طور پر نہ تو صدر زرداری اور نہ ہی

وزیراعظم گیلانی کو کسی قسم کی مشکل یا پریشانی کا سامنا کرنا پڑا۔ پنجاب میں مسلم لیگ (ن) اور پی پی پی کی مخلوط حکومت دونوں کے درمیان ایک مضبوط بندھن کے طور پر قائم رہی۔ جب کبھی محسوس کیا گیا کہ نوازشریف کوئی حتمی اقدام اٹھا سکتے ہیں تو بڑی ہوشیاری سے ان کو مفاہمت کی سیاست کی لوریاں سنا کر سلا دیا جاتا رہا۔ ان کو یہ بھی ڈراوا دیا جاتا رہا کہ اگر مسلم لیگ (ن) اور پی پی پی کے درمیان مفاہمت کی سیاست ختم ہوگئی تو فوج اس صورتحال کا فائدہ اٹھا سکتی ہے۔ جمہوریت کے نام پر مسلم لیگ (ن) کو بیوقوف بنایا جاتا رہا۔ اپوزیشن کی سب سے بڑی جماعت کو اپنی کرپشن اور نااہل حکمرانی کے لیے ڈھال کے طور پر استعمال کیا جاتا رہا۔ ان حالات میں کرپشن اور نااہل حکمرانی کے خلاف صرف میڈیا اور سپریم کورٹ حکومت کے لیے اصل رکاوٹ بن کر اُبھرے مگر ڈھٹائی کی حدوں کو پار کرتے ہوئے حکمرانوں نے عدالت عظمی کے

فیصلوں کے دھجیاں اُڑانی شروع کر دیں اور میڈیا کے بازو بھی مروڑنا شروع کر دیے۔ ان حالات میں حقیقی اپوزیشن کی غیر موجودگی کی وجہ سے حکمران اپنے ایجنڈے پر بلا خوف عمل پیرا رہے۔ اب جبکہ مسلم لیگ(ن) نے پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی سے اپنی راہیں جدا کرلی ہیں اور اس بات کا اعادہ کیا ہے کہ ن لیگ اب حقیقی اپوزیشن کا کردار ادا کرے گی، تو انتہائی ضروری ہے کہ میاں صاحب ایک ایسی حکمت عملی مرتب کریں جس کے ذریعے حکومت کو لوٹ مار کرنے سے روکا جا سکے۔ دوسرے اہم کاموں کے علاوہ حکومت کو مجبور کیا جائے کہ وہ جلد ازجلد ایک خودمختار احتساب کمیشن اور بااختیار الیکشن کمیشن قائم کریں۔ صدر زرداری ایسی اصلاحات کے لیے تیار نہیں ہوں گے کیونکہ اس سے وہ ان مقاصد کو حاصل نہیں کرسکتے جن کا حصول ان کی خواہش ہے۔ بااختیار احتساب کمیشن سے نہ صرف این آر او کا فائدہ حاصل کرنے والوں کیلئے مشکلات پیدا ہوسکتی ہیں بلکہ موجودہ حکومت میں لوٹ مار کرنے والوں کو پکڑا جا سکتا ہے۔ ایک خودمختار الیکشن کمیشن کے بننے سے انتخابات میں دھاندلی کرنے میں رکاوٹیں پیدا ہوسکتی ہیں۔

دیکھنا یہ ہے کہ آیا میاں صاحب ججوں کی بحالی کیلئے اپنا ادا کیا گیا کردار دہراتے ہیں یا نہیں۔ میاں صاحب کو چاہیے کہ اپوزیشن کی دوسری جماعتوں کے ساتھ مل کرحکومت کو اپنے مطالبات پیش کریں جن کی تکمیل کیلئے لانگ مارچ اور وسط مدتی انتخابات کے آپشنز پر بھی غور کیا جائے۔

Source: Jang, 28 Feb 2011

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Abdul Nishapuri

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  • After hundreds of columns, at last Nawaz Shrif heard his voice(not sure his voice or somebody else’s). he has every right to praise him.

  • وقتِ اشاعت: Sunday, 25 November, 2007, 06:33 GMT 11:33 PST

    http://www.bbc.co.uk/urdu/pakistan/story/2007/11/071125_nawaz_return_analysis_zs.shtml
    یہ صفحہ دوست کو ای میل کیجیئے پرِنٹ کریں
    شریف خاندان مشرف کو کیا دے رہا ہے؟

    علی سلمان
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، لاہور

    مسلم لیگ کے حمایتی
    اس دس سالہ معاہدے کا کیا ہوا جس پر دونوں فریق اس حد متفق ہیں کہ اس پر نواز شریف کے دستخط موجود ہیں؟

    میاں نواز شریف کی واپسی اگر ڈیل کا نتیجہ نہیں ہے تو پھر اس بار حکومت کارویہ اتنا مختلف کیوں ہے؟

    آخر سعودی فرماں روا عبداللہ بن عبدالعزیز نے وہ کونسا احسان کیا جسے نواز شریف اور ان کے اہلخانہ ساری زندگی نہیں بھلاسکتے؟ اس احسان کا اعتراف میاں نواز شریف بار بار کر رہے ہیں حالانکہ جب اب سے صرف سوا دو مہینے پہلے جب اسلام آباد ائرپورٹ سے انہیں دوبارہ جلاوطن کیا گیا تھا تو مسلم لیگی رہنما سعودی عرب کے خلاف اس قدر برانگیختہ ہوئے تھے کہ پاکستان کی تاریخ میں پہلی بار سعودی عرب کے خلاف عوامی اجتماعات میں تقریریں ہوئی تھیں۔

    ’نواز شریف اتوار کولاہورپہنچیں گے‘
    نواز شریف ایک بار پھر جلاوطن، جدہ منتقل
    جلا وطنی کے معاہدے کا عکس
    حلف سے جلاوطنی: ٹائم لائن

    یہ بھی ایک حقیقت ہے کہ دوسری جلاوطنی میں سعودی حکومت مشرف کا ساتھ نہ دیتی تو نواز شریف کو کسی دوسرے ملک بھجوایا جانا صدر مشرف کے لیے بہت مشکل یا شاید ناممکن ہی ہوتا۔ یہ سوال یقیناً بہت سے پاکستانیوں کے ذہن میں کلبلا رہا ہوگا کہ اب اچانک سعودی بادشاہ نے کیا احسان کر دیا ہے؟

    سوال حکومت پاکستان سے بھی ہے کہ وہ اچانک میاں نواز شریف پر اتنی مہربان کیوں ہوگئی ہےکہ نہ صرف انہیں آنے کی اجازت مل رہی ہے بلکہ اس سعودی شاہی طیارے کو لاہور کے ائرپورٹ پر خوشدلی سے اترنے دیا جا رہا ہے جو سعودی بادشاہ نے سابق پاکستانی وزیراعظم کو اس خصوصی سفر کے لیے دیا ہے۔

    سعودی فرماں روا اور نواز شریف کی ملاقات

    نواز شریف کی وطن واپسی کی صورت میں ان کے استقبال میں اس کی طرح کی رکاوٹ نہیں ڈالی جا رہی جیسا کہ ماضی میں ہوتا رہا ہے۔ پولیس کا رویہ مسلم لیگ (ن) کے ساتھ اچانک نرم ہوگیا ہے۔ لاہور میں ساری رات اجتماعات ہوئے، پوسٹر،بینر لگے لیکن اکا دکا کے سوا کوئی گرفتاری ہوئی نہ آخری اطلاعات آنے تک نواز شریف کے خیر مقدمی پوسٹر یا بینراتارے گئے۔

    مسلم لیگ کے صدر شہباز شریف کہتےہیں کہ نواز شریف اور ڈیل دو متضاد چیزیں ہیں، ایوان صدر سے ترجمان کہتےہیں کہ نواز شریف کی واپسی کسی ڈیل کا نتیجہ نہیں ہےتو پھر اس دس سالہ معاہدے کا کیا ہوا جس پر دونوں فریق اس حد متفق ہیں کہ اس پر نواز شریف کے دستخط موجود ہیں۔

    یہ معاہدہ کب اور کیسے ختم ہوا اور اسے کس نے کالعدم قراردیا۔

    پیپلز پارٹی کے چیئر پرسن بے نظیر بھٹو نے تو پاکستان آنے سے پہلے برملا حکومت سے بات چیت کا اعتراف کیاتھا اسی بات چیت کی کوکھ سے ایک مفاہمتی آرڈیننس نے جنم لیا جو اچھا یا برا تھا لیکن ایک آئینی اقدام تھا اور عوام سے کوئی بات چھپائی نہیں گئی تھی۔

    اب سیاسی مبصرین بجا طور پر یہ سوال اٹھا سکتےہیں کہ شہباز شریف کے خلاف لاہور کی انسداد دہشت گردی کی عدالت نے قتل کے مقدمے میں گرفتاری کے ناقابل ضمانت دائمی وارنٹ جاری کر رکھے ہیں اس کا کیا بنے گا۔ کیا شہباز شریف کو ائرپورٹ پر ہتھکڑیاں لگ جائیں گی؟اگر نہیں تو کیا یہ پھر بھی ڈیل نہیں کہلائے گی۔

    نواز شریف سمیت شریف خاندان کے مقدمات نیب میں زیر سماعت ہیں اور خود نواز شریف کو ایک ایسے معاہدے کےتحت جلاوطن کیا گیا جس میں انہوں نے جلاوطنی قبول کی اور بدلے میں میں ان کی سزا معاف کی گئی۔ سوچنے کی بات یہ بھی ہے کہ اگر نواز شریف وہ معاہدہ توڑ کر واپس آرہے ہیں تو کیا ان کی سزائیں بھی دوبارہ بحال کی جارہی ہیں؟ اگر نہیں تو کیا پھر بھی یہ ڈیل نہیں ہے؟

    نواز شریف کے حوالے سے یہ بیان آیا تھا کہ’ وہ صدر مشرف سے نہیں ملنا نہیں چاہتے سعودی فرماں روا شاہ عبداللہ خود ان سے بات کریں‘۔ کیا وہ انہیں یہ کہہ رہے تھے کہ وہ ان کی طرف سے صدر مشرف سے معاملات طے کریں اورکیا انہیں اپنی غیر اعلانیہ قید میں رکھنے والے سعودی حکام کا شریف خاندان پر یہی احسان ہے کہ انہوں نے جہاں ماضی میں انہیں جیل سے نکلوا کر اپنی سرزمین پر پناہ دی وہیں اب وہ انہیں دس کی بجائے سات برس میں وطن واپسی کی اجازت لے کر دے رہے ہیں۔

    آخر کچھ تو ایسے معاملات ہوئے ہونگے جس نے سو دو مہینے کی قلیل مدت میں صدر مشرف کے رویے کو اس حد تک تبدیل کیا کہ وہ انہیں تیسری بار جلاوطن نہیں کر رہے۔

    کیا پاکستان کا عام شہری نواز شریف اور صدر مشرف سے یہ پوچھنے میں حق بجانب نہیں کہ آٹھ برس پہلے جلاوطنی کا معاہدہ اور اب وطن واپسی کے اقدامات ڈیل، مفاہمت، مذاکرات، کچھ لو کچھ دو نہیں ہے تو پھر کیا ہیں؟

    ہر ڈیل میں ادلے کا بدلہ ہوتاہے شریف خاندان کو تو اس مبینہ ڈیل کے نتیجےمیں وطن واپسی کی اجازت مل رہی ہے اور وہ بھی ایسی کہ ایک فوجی حکومت اور اس کے تمام آئینی اور ماورائے آئین اقدامات کے باوجود شریف خاندان کو عام انتخابات میں اپنے کاغذات نامزدگی جمع کرانے کا سیدھا موقع مل رہا ہے۔ سوچنے کی بات یہ ہے کہ جواباً شریف خاندان صدر مشرف کو کیا دے رہا ہے؟

  • Back in 1999, Kamran Khan had written

    Central Punjab holds 41 key posts – Disparity may deepen deprivation in smaller provinces – News Intelligence Unit By Kamran Khan The NEWS International, Karachi December 17, 1997 http://www.karachipage.com/news/punjab_rules.htm

    KARACHI: Less than four dozen individuals from Central Punjab, who had either lived or served in Lahore in the past 15 years, are currently holding the country’s 41 most important official assignments — a situation that is bound to aggravate the prevailing sense of deprivation not only in the three smaller provinces but also in Southern Punjab, according to an investigation by the News Intelligence Unit (NIU). The situation took a delicate turn late on Monday night when Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif stunned the federal cabinet by announcing that he had decided to nominate the former Supreme Court judge and a known Sharif family friend, Mr Justice (retd) Rafiq Ahmed Tarar, as the president of Pakistan. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif took the decision to appoint a Central Punjabi president against strong recommendations from his cabinet members, parliamentary party members and even his younger brother, Shahbaz Sharif, urging him to pick a presidential candidate from smaller provinces, the sources said. The NIU investigation found that before Senator Tarar’s nomination as the president, at least 41 individuals — mostly with permanent residences in Lahore — were holding almost all of the, what an independent observer labelled as, “make-or-break appointments” in the country. The NIU study showed that though all of these appointments were not made by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, but under his nine-month-old administration the domination and influence of Central Punjabis over the government departments multiplied manifold. With the election of Justice Rafiq Tarar as the president of Pakistan by the end of this month, the country would have a Lahore-based president, prime minister and chairman Senate. Although Justice Tarar hails from Wazirabad near Lahore, he has lived most of his life in Lahore and is believed to be a personal friend and constitutional and legal adviser to the Sharif family. Both Nawaz Sharif and Wasim Sajjad have lived their personal and professional lives in Lahore, where their families are permanently settled.

    Seniority, merit and professionalism may have been the criterion, but the fact remains that all three present services chiefs incidentally have Central Punjab background. The present Chief of Naval Staff, Admiral Fasih Bukhari, and Chief of Air Staff Air Chief Marshal P Q Mehdi had been appointed by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, while Chief of Army Staff General Jehangir Karamat was selected by President Farooq Ahmed Leghari. The present government handed dual charge of Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee to Gen Karamat. When Nawaz assumed the charge of the prime minister in February this year, each and every member of his personal team at the Prime Minister’s Office had a Central Punjab, particularly Lahore, background. He appointed seasoned civil servant and a scion of a known Lahore family, A K Z Sherdil, as his principal secretary. Because of his Lahore background, Sherdil was personally known to Saifur Rahman Khan, who had initially suggested his name to the prime minister. Even before Sherdil’s appointment, Nawaz had decided to appoint another former civil servant, Anwer Zahid, as his special assistant. The Lahore-based Anwer Zahid was the principal secretary to the prime minister during Nawaz’s first tenure. Closest in Nawaz Sharif’s personal team at the Prime Minister’s Secretariat was, and still is, Saifur Rahman Khan — the chief of Ehtesab Cell. Saifur Rahman like Sherdil and Anwer Zahid, cherished his Lahore background. “The prime minister feels very comfortable with Sherdil, Zahid and Saif. They speak his mind and the language,” noted an informed official. The prime minister not only favoured the individuals with Lahore background for top positions of his office, he invited the people with similar background even for mid-level posts in his personal setup. He appointed Rauf Chaudhry and Khayyam Qaiser as his personal staff officers and Qamaruzzaman as his personal secretary. These three personal staff members, like other senior aides in the Prime Minister’s Office, have strong Central Punjab background. They not only manage the prime minister’s days and weeks, but also serve as his eyes and ears.

    Similarly, his Press Secretary Siddiqul Farooq has always lived and worked in Lahore and Central Punjab with no work experience in smaller provinces. The prime minister appointed another old Lahore hand and a former Ittefaq Group employee, Major General Sikander Hayat, as chief of the Prime Minister’s Monitoring and Evaluation Cell. He appointed Colonel (retd) Mushtaq Taher Kheli, an individual of similar background, as his political secretary. With the accountability placed at the top of his priority list, Nawaz Sharif decided to operate through his most-trusted Lahore aides. While Senator Saifur Rahman was placed at the driving seat, Nawaz decided to continue with Justice (retd) Ghulam Mujaddid Mirza, another famous Lahorite, as the chief Ehtesab commissioner. He appointed another Central Punjab PML leader Mumtaz Ahmed Tarrar as the chief of Ehtesab Council. Not surprisingly, officials and politicians wanted or arrested in corruption cases from Punjab escaped the net laid by the much-dreaded Ehtesab Cell, while those arrested from Sindh faced a totally different situation. For instance, under extremely intriguing condition a corruption case registered against former RECP chairman Kabir Sheikh, a Lahore-based official, was hurriedly withdrawn. Under identical circumstances, the corruption charges against former petroleum secretary Capt Naseer Ahmed had been withdrawn.

    While appointing the federal cabinet, Nawaz Sharif, once more, preferred his trusted Lahore and Central Punjab associates for important cabinet assignments such as commerce. Senior official sources conceded in their background interviews that because of his extreme closeness with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, Ishaq Dar’s influence reaches frequently the decision-making levels in the Ministry of Finance. Because of his Lahore and Model Town connections, Ishaq Dar has emerged as the prime minister’s most trusted aide in the federal cabinet. Dar’s closeness with the prime minister can be gauged by the fact that it was he and Saifur Rahman who had negotiated and finalised the power-sharing agreement with the MQM. No PML member from Sindh was included in the team that had negotiated with the MQM after the change of government in February this year. Other Central Punjab PML parliamentarians who received important cabinet slots included Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan (Petroleum), Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain (Interior), Mushahid Hussain (Information), Shaikh Rashid Ahmed (Labour and Culture), Begum Abida Hussain (Population Welfare), Raja Nadir Pervaiz (Water and Power), and Khalid Anwar (Law). Surprisingly, the entire national security team that is reporting to the prime minister on important security matters also has the similar Central Punjab background.

    The present director generals of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), Intelligence Bureau (IB) and the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) shared this common background. Chaudhry Manzoor Ahmed and Major General (retd) Enayat Niazi had been appointed as the IB director general and the FIA director general, respectively by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, while Lt Gen Nasim Rana had been appointed as the ISI director general by the Benazir Bhutto government. Smaller provinces were completely ignored over Central Punjab when Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif decided to appoint members of his party as heads of various government and public sector organisations. He appointed 37-year-old Shahid Khaqqan Abbasi, MNA from Murree, as the PIAC chairman and picked Khawaja Asif to head the Privatisation Commission. Similarly, Humayun Akhter Khan, the MNA from his home town Lahore, was appointed as the chief of Board of Investment (BoI). When it came to the appointment of the attorney general of Pakistan, the prime minister once again preferred a candidate from Lahore. Sources said that before his appointment as the Attorney General, Chaudhry Muhammad Farooq had long served the Sharif family in their business and family matters.

    While selecting the team of bureaucrats for his government, the prime minister apparently decided not to disturb the officials with Lahore or Central Punjab background, notwithstanding the fact that they had been appointed by President Farooq Leghari during the caretaker set-up. In a policy decision, the prime minister decided to continue with Dr Muhammad Yaqub as the governor of State Bank of Pakistan, absolving him of his responsibility in the collapse of banking and DFI sector in Pakistan in the past four years. Similarly, he also decided to continue with Chaudhry Moeen Afzal as the secretary of finance and Hafizullah Ishaq as the chairman Board of Revenue — both gentlemen had a Central Punjab background. The prime minister also appeared comfortable with Afzal Kahut as the establishment secretary and Mian Tayyab Hussain as the cabinet secretary.

    The Central Punjab criteria apparently played a significant role as he appointed secretaries to some of the important ministries, for example he selected Mian Iqbal Fareed as the secretary commerce, Mehar Jivan Khan as the interior secretary and Gulfaraz Ahmed as the secretary in the Ministry of Petroleum. The Central Punjab may not exactly be the reason behind the appointment of Lt Gen (retd) Chaudhry Iftikhar Ali Khan as the secretary defence, but it may be the first time that no one from a smaller province is attached to any significant position in the entire Ministry of Defence. Like in Justice (retd) Rafiq Tarar’s case, most observers do not dispute the fact that many of the Central Punjab bureaucrats or politicians given important tasks in the government by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif enjoy good reputation, but they do not believe that the smaller provinces cannot offer individuals with similar reputation and competence. These observers felt that to give a truly national look to his government, particularly after the election of Justice Tarrar as the president, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif would have to go an extra-mile to neutralise the impression of his being the Central Punjab government.

  • Way back in 1999 Kamran Khan had written

    Ambitious Ziauddin steered Nawaz to political disaster News Intelligence Unit By Kamran Khan Fears of a Military Coup in Pakistan Chowk P Room October 12, 1999 http://www.chowk.com/site/articles/index.php?id=4644
    http://www.chowk.com/interacts/4644/1/0/16

    ISLAMABAD: Within half an hour of his surreptitious climb to the post of the Chief of Army Staff on Tuesday afternoon, the former Inter-Services Intelligence chief, General Khawaja Ziauddin knew that the Army he was supposed to lead was not prepared to accept his command. The News Intelligence Unit (NIU) has gathered that all of Ziauddin`s phone calls to the Corps Commanders and the Chief of General Staff — placed from the Prime Minister`s House in Islamabad on Tuesday — drew a blank, a reaction that almost instantly drew down the curtains on former prime minister Nawaz Sharif`s second term in office. Debriefing sessions with detained aides of the Nawaz Sharif administration by security officials here have disclosed that the former ISI chief-led operation to stage an in-house coup in the Army was driven by his personal ambitions ignoring the actual situation on the ground. “Even a layman in Pakistan is aware that any operation of this sort can never be completed without the active support of the troops and commanders posted in the cities of Islamabad and Rawalpindi,“ an Army official commented. “It was foolish of the former prime minister not to be aware that his nominee for the Army chief didn`t have the key support of the 10 Corps and more specifically the 111 brigade,“ he added. It has now become clear that Lt. Gen. Ziauddin was the architect of the secret operation that envisioned the official announcement of his promotion to the post of COAS once Gen Pervez Musharraf boarded PIA Flight PK 805 in Colombo for a journey that severed his contact with the GHQ for a good 200 minutes. It was also Lt. Gen. Ziauddin who, along with the former principal secretary Saeed Mehdi, had suggested to Nawaz Sharif that General Pervez Musharraf`s plane must not be allowed to land at Karachi so that he could be arrested at any other less busy airports in Sindh.

    Sources said that Ziauddin had assured Sharif that he would gain the full command of the Army much before the landing of General Pervez Musharraf`s plane at Karachi airport, a dream that suddenly transformed itself into Sharif and Ziauddin`s worst nightmare. Officials here believe that because of his family and, more particularly, his father`s old ties with Khawaja Ziauddin`s family, Sharif always wanted to appoint him to the coveted post of the COAS, but he couldn`t do that since he had ignored a senior-most three star general as General Jehangir Karamat`s replacement. Several close aides to Sharif had often conceded in the past that Gen Kuli Khan Khattak was ignored because Sharif was not comfortable with a Pathan general.

    Ziauddin, an officer from the Army`s Corps of Engineers, was one course junior to Gen. Ali Kuli Khan and Gen. Pervez Musharraf at the Pakistan Military Academy, but even before Karamat`s dramatic exit from the Army, Ziauddin had told his friends about the likelihood of his replacing Gen. Jehangir Karamat. Sources said that General Karamat had posted him as the Corps Commander, Gujranwala in response to a personal request from Sharif, who wanted to give him a fair chance at the time of Karamat`s retirement. Those who had close access to Sharif always contended that his decision to appoint Gen Musharraf was a stopgap arrangement between Gen. Karamat`s abrupt resignation and Ziauddin`s eventual appointment as the COAS. Ziauddin`s appointment as the ISI chief, minutes after Musharraf`s posting as the COAS, spoke volumes of Sharif`s bent of mind at the time. With the knowledge that doubts deliberately created about Musharraf`s tenure as the COAS would further deteriorate worsening relations between the Army and the former prime minister, Ziauddin using his position as the ISI chief nonetheless invented an intriguing conspiracy theory on the Kargil crisis and helped fuel misinformation that the Army leadership got Sharif trapped by launching the Kargil operation.

    During the Kargil crisis, Gen. Ziauddin`s exclusive briefing to the former prime minister almost always contradicted the GHQ`s version. “He was responsible for planting the seeds of intrigue on the Kargil issue in Sharif`s mind,“ according to a reliable official source. In his rash drive to convince Sharif that Musharraf`s removal as the COAS would ease tension with the Army, Ziauddin is believed to have also encouraged the former Intelligence Bureau chief Colonel (retd) Iqbal Niazi, to invent a variety of Army-backed threatening scenarios for Sharif, who apparently had an unlimited appetite for stories that painted a highly negative picture of Musharraf and the corps commanders considered close to the COAS. Khawaja Ziauddin`s desperation to please Nawaz Sharif became evident on the first day of his appointment as the ISI chief when he readily confirmed a police-doctored version about the culprits allegedly involved in the ghastly murder of Hakim Mohammad Said. On Ziauddin`s report, submitted without any independent verification, Sharif got an excuse to knock out the democratic set-up in Sindh, an act that later emerged as part of a well-engineered plot to make way for the installation of an exclusive PML-run unelected administration in Sindh. An independent Army probe later discovered that the Sindh Police`s version of the Hakim Said case, with a stamp of ISI confirmation from Gen. Ziauddin, was nothing but “a pack of lies.“ Neither Sharif nor Ziauddin, however, ever acknowledged the blunder.

    In another desperate attempt to please the former prime minister, Ziauddin ordered the illegal detention of Najam Sethi, the editor Friday Times, for more than two weeks. Despite the Army`s blunt refusal to initiate sedition or treason charges against Sethi, Ziauddin obliged Sharif and Saifur Rahman by keeping Sethi locked up for about 20 days. Sethi had been handed to Ziauddin`s ISI after being abducted by IB goons from his Lahore residence. Sources said Ziauddin agreed to hold Sethi in illegal detention in response to a single phone call from Saifur Rahman, who later also made Sharif speak to him on the subject. Reliable sources said that Ziauddin was also behind severe criticism of the Kargil crisis by at least two corps commanders, who later met Sharif in Ziauddin`s presence. These meetings were never reported to the COAS, who later reacted by removing both corps commanders from their posts. For Sharif, sources said, Ziauddin`s mission was to divide the corps commanders on ethnic and professional lines and to create an anti-Musharraf lobby amongst the corps commanders. “Since his appointment as the DG ISI, Ziauddin was playing a dangerous game that pitched his boss against the Army,“ observed a senior official. “His operation ultimately turned out to be hara kari (suicide).“

  • SAME ANSAR ABBSAI “DECLARES” THAT MR. NAWAZ SHARIF IS A CREATION OF ESTABLISHMENT [READ MILITARY]

    ISLAMABAD: The fact that Nawaz Sharif was once the establishment’s blue-eyed boy and that the creation of the IJI was the ISI’s work are well known and undeniable, but the general perception is that today he is being targeted to save Musharraf’s skin. Who is behind the ‘get Nawaz’ campaign? By Ansar Abbasi Wednesday, August 26, 2009 http://thenews.jang.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=24096

    Nawaz Sharif became leader through ISI platform: General Hamid Gul http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Aot8ewjy3VQ

    Mian Mohd Nawaz Sharif was Investment By ISI Said Hameed Gul on JawabDeh Special Report http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TRyWA5LD0LM&feature=related

  • Nawaz favourites also being obliged By Ansar Abbasi Sunday, November 28, 2010 http://www.thenews.com.pk/28-11-2010/Top-Story/2340.htm

    ISLAMABAD: If President Asif Ali Zardari and Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani are generously offering key government positions to their favourites, the PML-N chief Mian Nawaz Sharif is no exception. Those who have been loyal to Mian Nawaz Sharif in the past are being adjusted against key provincial government positions one by one but slowly and surely. A lot has appeared in the media about the appointment of the president’s and prime minister’s friends, jail mates, acquaintances and cronies, including corrupt and convicts, against key government positions, not much noise has been raised regarding the appointments of Sharifs’ favourites in the provincial government. The apparent reasons for this are believed to be the small number of such appointees as well as the fewer controversies surrounding the Punjab rulers’ favourites. However, now the PML-N’s list has also started growing.

    Of late, a retired secretary, known loyal of Nawaz Sharif and his principal secretary during his second term as the Prime Minister, A Z K Sherdil has been appointed by Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif as the chairman of the Bank of Punjab. Sherdil has been privately assisting Nawaz Sharif on different matters after his return from Jeddah. General Ziauddin Butt, the former ISI Chief and the man who was appointed on October 12, 1999, as army chief but could not take the military’s command because of General Musharraf’s coup, has also been appointed recently as chairman of the Chief Minister’s Inspection Commission. Butt has been enjoying good reputation in Army, but he was retired without any benefit. Rana Maqbool Ahmad—Mian Nawaz Sharif’s co-accused in the plane high jacking case, which was falsely framed by Musharraf to fix the former prime minister and others—is serving the Punjab government as secretary prosecution. Maqbool is a former inspector general of Sindh police. His appointment is also controversial for the reason that he is a declared absconder of the Sindh High Court in a case in which President Asif Ali Zardari had claimed that he was tortured by Maqbool in Karachi jail during his prison days.

    Jehanzeb Burki, a former police inspector general, who served as IG Punjab and Islamabad under Nawaz Sharif, is presently serving as adviser to the Punjab chief minister. Pervez Rathore, former Capital Police Chief, Lahore, has also been close to Nawaz Sharif since his first term as Prime Minister when he was appointed as SSP, Islamabad. Rathore, who has retired recently, has been appointed as member Punjab Public Service Commission. Lt Gen (R) Syed Sabahat Hussain is serving as chairman of the Punjab Public Service Commission. Sabahat has served Nawaz Sharif as his military secretary during his second tenure. Sabahat got retired in 2009. According to one source, he has been given this position on the recommendation of the GHQ. Mian Nawaz Sharif’s personal secretary Dr Kirmani is on the pay roll of the Punjab government, where he is reflected as media consultant. Nawaz Sharif’s old media friend Zulfikar Balti, who mostly covers Nawaz Sharif and the PML-N even today, is also reflected as official photographer in the department of director general public relations.

    Former principal secretary to the Prime Minister (Nawaz Sharif) and his long time associate, Saeed Mehdi, was also serving as adviser to the Punjab chief minister. However, after the NRO judgment handed down by the Supreme Court, Mehdi, whose name was reflected in the list of NRO beneficiaries, opted to resign. Another retired Additional Secretary Farogh Navid, who served Nawaz Sharif in the Prime Minister’s Secretariat during his second term, was appointed chairman of the Task Force on Transparency and Government, but he too lost the job after the task force was abolished several months back by the Punjab government. Two PML-N activists, including Ejaz Gul, representative of PML-N, UK, and Ms Niva Usman, were also made chairpersons of task forces, but they too were shown the door after the recent abolition of all paid task forces following the recent floods. Unlike President Zardari and Prime Minister Gilani’s favourites, generally the appointees of Sharifs have clean reputation. None of these appointees have been found in any scandal of corruption, which see no end in the federal government.

  • MQM shifts blame for 1992 operation from military to Nawaz Wednesday, September 02, 2009 News Analysis By Amir Mir http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=24255

    LAHORE: The much trumpeted 1992 operation clean-up in Sindh had actually been launched against the backdrop of the infamous ‘Major Kaleem kidnapping case’, when a serving Army major was abducted and tortured, allegedly by a group of activists belonging to the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (which was then known as the Muhajir Qaumi Movement).

    While the MQM leadership has recently blamed former prime minister Nawaz Sharif for the 1992 operation and asked him to apologise for the atrocities committed during his tenure, it remains a fact that the MQM high command had held at that time the military leadership responsible for the action, saying it actually wanted to avenge the honour of Major Kaleemuddin.

    As a matter of fact, Major Kaleemuddin of the Field Investigation Unit (FIU) of the Army had been tasked to restore peace in the trouble-stricken Landhi area of Karachi. He was abducted on June 20, 1991, along with a few subordinates, while in civvies ñ the night when the MQM-Haqiqi led by Afaq Ahmed made an abortive attempt to take over Landhi offices of the Altaf-led MQM, called Muhajir Khel. This led to a bloody gun battle between the two MQM factions, killing many from both sides.

    However, the Haqiqi group was forced to flee after the Altaf group unleashed all its fire power in the gun battle. A few hours after the abortive attempt by the Haqiqi group, Major Kaleemuddin was abducted from the Landhi area by armed activists of the MQM, who allegedly took him to a torture cell and subjected him to ‘mistreatment’. The Major Kaleemuddin kidnapping case is still described by many in the establishment as the bedrock of the subsequent military operations carried out against the MQM under the Sharif and the Bhutto governments. Altaf Hussain and several other MQM leaders and workers were subsequently accused of being involved in the kidnapping episode and named in the FIR registered on June 24, 1991. Altaf left Pakistan in December 1992.

    But there are different versions of what exactly happened to Major Kaleemuddin. Some of the MQM leaders had claimed after the incident that the abductors were under the impression that MQM-Haqiqi leaders ñ Afaq Ahmed and Amir Khan – had returned to the port city at the behest of the agencies and that the major was present in Landhi to supervise the establishment-sponsored operation against them. During the court trial, many of the accused had claimed that since the major was in plain clothes, he was mistaken by them for a Haqiqi activist and subsequently roughed up. But as soon he had revealed his identity, the major was allowed to go.

    However, according to the prosecution, Major Kaleemuddin, along with three other Army officers, was patrolling the Landhi area in an Army jeep when 20 armed youths took them hostage after seizing their weapons. The Army men were taken to a place called Muhajir Khel in Landhi where they were allegedly tortured and kept for seven hours and rescued when the police reached the place. The accused charged with kidnapping the Army officers and torturing them included Altaf Hussain, Saleem Shahzad, Dr Imran Farooq, Safdar Baqri, Nadeem Ayubi, Ayub Shah, Aftab Ahmed, Ismail alias Sitara, Ashraf Zaidi, Sajid Azad, Ashfaq Chief, Javed Kazmi, Haji Jalal Asghar Chacha, Rehan Zaidi and Mohammad Yousuf.

    Whatever the truth might be, the then-Army high command’s keen interest in the prosecution of the accused gave an impression as if the traditional martial pride of the Khakis – that nobody gets away with bashing up an Army officer ñ was at work. Gen Asif Nawaz had been the Corps Commander Karachi at that time who got promoted as the Army Chief in August 1991, right before the start of the military operation.

    A special court for suppression of terrorist activities (STA), led by Justice Rafiq Awan, began hearing of the Kaleemuddin kidnapping case in March 1993 and delivered judgment on June 9, 1994. The court had convicted Ashfaq Chief, Javed Kazmi and Haji Jalal and sentenced them to 30 years of rigorous imprisonment, besides imposing a fine of Rs 20,000 each under the Pakistan Penal Code, the Hudood Ordinance. All other accused, including Altaf Hussain, were declared absconders and sentenced to 27 years jail and a fine of Rs 30,000 each in absentia.

    Almost three years later, following the 1997 general elections and the subsequent decision by Altaf Hussain to join hands with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, all the convicted MQM leaders and activists challenged afresh their conviction and sentences before the Sindh High Court. Their appeal was heard by a division bench, which found the case as one ‘of almost no legal evidence’. Relying on the provisions of the Suppression of Terrorist Activities Act, 1976, the bench upheld on trial in absentia as well as the right of the absentee accused to file an appeal. Dealing with evidence, the bench observed that the eyewitnesses’ account did not inspire confidence and the evidence of the complainant was, in particular, full of contradictions.

    The bench, comprising Justice Nizam Hussain Siddiqui and Justice Abdul Hameed, noted that it is difficult to believe, a group of 15 or 20 boys could disarm four trained soldiers. Therefore, all the accused were acquitted and three convicts serving their term were ordered to be released immediately. But it is interesting to point out that after AQ Halepota, one of the counsels for the MQM leaders, concluded his arguments before the court, the then-advocate-general Sindh Shaukat Zuberi submitted that numerous omissions and contradictions had been made during the trial of Major Kaleemuddin’s kidnapping and torture case and that he would not support the convictions of the accused by the STA court. The verdict came hardly a week after the then-prime minister Nawaz Sharif had travelled to London to meet Altaf Hussain.

    To recall, the MQM and the PML-N had been coalition partners at that time, before finally falling apart following the assassination of Hakim Mohammad Saeed in Karachi. Major Kaleemuddin had subsequently challenged the acquittal of the MQM leaders and activists by the Sindh High Court. But the petition was dismissed as withdrawn by the apex court on August 13, 2007, mainly due to non-prosecution, as neither the petitioner nor his counsel had turned up.

  • The real cause of MQM-PML hostility Thursday, September 03, 2009
    By Amir Mir http://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=196296

    LAHORE: The present animosity between the Altaf-led MQM and the Sharif-led PML has more to do with the October 1998 murder of former Sindh governor Hakim Mohammad Said and the subsequent imposition of the Governorís Rule in the province by the then prime minister Nawaz Sharif, rather than the 1992 operation clean-up, following which the two parties had mended fences and joined hands to form coalition governments in Sindh and at the federal level.

    The MQM is swinging between the PML and the PPP since the restoration of democracy in Pakistan in 1988, by joining almost every ruling coalition in Sindh. Having joined hands with then prime minister Benazir Bhutto after the 1988 elections, the MQM walked out of the PPP-led coalition in Sindh and at the centre in 1989. After the 1990 elections, the MQM teamed up with the Sharif-led PML, but left the coalition in 1992. After the dismissal of the second Benazir government in November 1996 and the subsequent holding of the 1997 general elections, Nawaz Sharif and Altaf Hussain had again joined forces against their common rival PPP.

    On February 21, 1997, the MQM leadership signed a power sharing accord with new prime minister Nawaz Sharif and joined the coalition government at the federal level and in Sindh. As per the accord, Nawaz Sharif had agreed to hold a judicial probe into the deaths of ìhundreds of MQM workers in police custody or fake encounters besides granting compensation to the families of the deceasedî. Interestingly, the PML-MQM did not mention the 1992 military operation, for which the MQM now blames the PML.

    The first major development that followed the PML-MQM reunion was the Sindh High Courtís February 1997 decision to acquit Altaf Hussain and his 18 co-accused in the kidnapping and torture case of Major Kaleemuddin of the Field Intelligence Unit (FIU) of the Pakistan Army. The acquittal only became possible after Advocate General Sindh Shaukat Zuberi had submitted before the court that numerous omissions and contradictions had been made during the trial and that he would not support the convictions of the accused by a special court for suppression of terrorist activities.

    On April 1, 1997, the PML-MQM coalition government in Sindh announced the formation of a compensation committee to pay compensation to the members of the affected families and their legal heirs ìwho had suffered during the period October 1993 to November 1997î. Once again, there was no mention of the year 1992 when the infamous operation clean up was launched by the Pakistan Army in Sindh. This was despite the fact that the operation clean-up had started in the rural areas of Sindh on May 23, 1992 and in the urban areas of the province on June 19, 1992. The operation had cost the government over Rs 4 billion since 45,000 military and para-military troops of the Corps V were deployed in Sindh to assist the civil administration in restoring peace.

    As a follow up to the PML-MQM power sharing accord of February 21, 1997, the Sharif government subsequently paid a hefty amount of Rs 500 million from the federal kitty as compensation to the families of 711 MQM activists who had either been killed or left disabled. However, the London-based MQM leadership now claims that around 15,000 MQM workers and supporters had lost their lives in the aftermath of the 1992 operation clean up. Interestingly, the MQM workers were not the only ones to have been compensated by the then Sharif government.

    A sum of Rs 200 million was also distributed as compensation money amongst 634 bereaved families of the Army, Rangers and the Police Jawans who had lost their lives between May 1992 and April 1998 in ìanti-terrorist operationsî carried out in Sindh.

    To the amazement of many, the families of those killed (MQM-A workers) and those who had been blamed for their deaths (law enforcement agencies) were paid an equal compensation amount of Rs 300,000 each by the Sharif government. While the widows and other dependents of the army, rangers and police Jawans were given compensation money because they had lost their lives ìfighting terrorismî, the family members of the MQM-A workers were compensated for their ìextra-judicial killings by the law enforcement agencies.î But the most astonishing aspect of the whole episode was that the army had claimed a head money reward of Rs 5 million from the Sindh government for killing 368 desperados during the 1992 operation clean-up, including several MQM-A activists whose families had to be paid compensation money eventually.

    The PML-MQM coalition went smooth afterwards for almost a year, before some serious differences erupted between the two partners, making the MQM to quit the federal and Sindh governments in August 1998. Yet on September 20, 1998, the MQM resumed support to the PML government at federal level and in Sindh, but without joining the cabinets.

    However, their alliance came to an abrupt end following the October 17, 1998 murder of the former Sindh governor Hakim Mohammad Said, who was allegedly assassinated by MQM activists in Karachi. The main accused in the murder case was Zulfiqar Haider, a serving MPA of the MQM from the Sindh Assembly.

    On October 28, 1998, ten days after the murder and having received the initial inquiry report from the authorities, Nawaz Sharif accused the MQM legislator and seven other party activists of involvement in the Hakim Said murder and set a three-day deadline for Altaf Hussain to handover the killers, including the MPA, failing which he threatened to call-off the PML-MQM alliance.

    On October 31, 1998, following the MQM leadershipís refusal to meet the deadline, the then prime minister Nawaz Sharif imposed federal rule in Sindh, which was followed by a massive crackdown by the security agencies against the MQM, which led to a fresh round of hostilities between the two political parties whose leadership is at daggers drawn against each other even today.

  • A Riposte to Ansar Abbasi By Mustafa Azizabadi Member – Central Rabita Committee & In charge Central Media cell. MQM http://www.mqm.org/English-News/feb-2009/azizabadi-article07-02-09.htm

    On Thursday, February 05, 2009; 2:44 AM….In the Urdu daily Jang of February 2, 2009 there was a column titled “Would Altaf Hussain participate in long march ?”, by the famous journalist Mr. Ansar Abbasi known for his research and investigative journalism. This column was a direct response to MQM’s Quaid Mr. Altaf Hussain’s address to MQM’s rabita committee in London on Jan 27, 2009. During the address Mr. Altaf Hussain put a simple question to Mr. Nawaz Shareef vis-à-vis PCO judges. that “what does the Charter of democracy’s article 3, clause (a) & (b) says about those judges who took oath under the PCO and if Mian sahib can answer this question then MQM too would diligently work with them towards the enforcement of Charter of Democracy.”. But in case Mian Nawaz fails to answer the question then it will be morally binding on him and an obligation to reconsider his decision to participate in long march. Principally & professionally speaking the answer should have come from Mian Nawaz Shareef. Alas it never came; nevertheless Mr. Ansar Abbasi took upon himself to issue a rejoinder. Peoples Party’s Shaheed Chairperson Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto and Mian Nawaz Shareef put their signatures on the Charter of Democracy (COD) comprising of 7 pages, 4 important topics and 36 articles in London on May, 14, 2006. But here we will only talk about the relevant points brought up by Mr. Ansar Abbasi, explained and deliberated upon in the aforementioned column. Mr. Abbasi says that COD’s article 3(a) explains the procedure for appointment of new judges and that Article 3(b) addresses the already appointed judges of higher courts with relevance to their oath taken under PCO.

    Indeed this is true that Article 3 (b) addresses the oath taken by superior courts judges under the PCO and this is exactly said in the COD that “No judge shall take oath under PCO and nor shall he take any oath whose language stands at odds with the 1973 constitution’s defined language for oath of judges”.

    Let’s read the exact text of the relevant Article from the COD. Under Article 3(a) it says “The recommendations for appointment of judges to superior judiciary shall be formulated through a commission, which shall comprise of the following: (i). The chairman shall be a chief justice, who has never previously taken oath under the PCO.”

    Ansar Abbasi in his column translates it as “The recommendations for the appointment of judges for the superior courts shall be undertaken through a Commission. This commission will comprise of following individuals.

    1) The Commission’s chairman shall be a Chief Justice, who has never previously taken oath under PCO”. Mr. Ansar Abbasi himself mentions that “according to this Article Mr. Iftikhar Chaudhry (deposed) Chief Justice cannot become the chairman of this commission which has been entrusted with the task of making recommendations for the appointment of new judges. And for this any chief justice who in past did not take oath under PCO stands eligible to become chairman of this commission”. Our question to Mr. Ansar Abbasi when he openly admits that according to COD’s Article 3(a) Mr. Iftikhar Chaudhry (deposed) CJ cannot become chairman of the commission that will make recommendations for the appointment of judges to superior courts and is not eligible for the task then how can he according to Article 3(a) be eligible to hold the highest and honorable office of the superior court? Knowing this reality in its totality and fully well would it be right and legal to demand his restoration?

    A very amusing point that MR Ansar Abbasi brings forth with regards to Article 3(a) in his column; it says “this sub-article has nothing to do with the current judges and that few people according to a well thought of plan are interpreting Article 3(a) in such a way so as to make the restoration of Mr. Iftikhar Chaudhry controversial and create confusion in common people”. But after explaining Article 3(a) he says “the authors of COD after much thought did not use the word “The Chief Justice” of Pakistan but used “a chief justice” since they knew that the chief justice of that time and those who will follow as chief justice will be those who took oath under the 2001 PCO”.

    Quite strikingly Mr. Abbasi accepted the fact that in May 2006 this particular Article in the COD was specially included for the chief justice in office at that time and his brother justices who had taken oath under PCO so that Mr. Iftikhar Chaudhry and other justices who took oath under General Pervez Musharraf’s PCO will stand disqualified for appointment as superior court judges. Moreover this is absolutely true that on May 14, 2006 when Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto Shaheed and Mian Nawaz Shareef signed the COD, both the leaders had no clue and nor did the senior leadership of two parties knew anything or for that matter the leaders of lawyers movement had any idea that on march 9 a reference would be filed against Mr. Iftikhar Chaudhry the sitting chief justice of Pakistan, that on November 3 General Musharraf would again impose emergency in the country and that judges would again be required by him to take new oaths under the PCO. As for making Mr. Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry controversial, it is those parties who are dragging him into political rallies and processions that are to be blamed. As a justice Mr. Iftikhar Chaudhry deserves the respect and protocol that comes with the office. Sadly & with due respect the chief justices and judges of superior courts are not only and strictly prohibited from public appearances, attending or endorsing political rallies and agendas, but even barred from attending private functions of such nature. But the honorable justice thought it right to go ahead with attending political rallies and processions and let the exalted office of chief justice go to the street and let himself become a spectacle on top of being controversial.

    PML (N) leadership came up with the ludicrous argument that PCO’s mention in the COD is with reference to those judges who took oath on November 3, 2007. The question is that when the signatures were being put on charter of democracy on May 14, 2006 it was way before November 3, 2007, then whether PML (N) leadership got the premonition that on November 3, 2007 judges will take oath under the PCO? As per Ansar Abbasi if Article 3(a) of COD has no relevance with current judges or of any consequence to them then who are these particular PCO judges mentioned in the COD, since before January 2000 the PCO came in General Zia-ul-Haq’s martial law in 1977 and none of those PCO judges from General Zia’s time were present in the judiciary of 2007. Accordingly it proves that in the COD announced on May 14, 2006 the very mention of PCO refers to the PCO of General Musharraf introduced in January 2000 and those who took oath on it.

    The fact is that in the COD the issue of judges taking oath under PCO has been dealt with utmost seriousness and in Article 3(a) clause (2) with reference to procedure for appointment of judges in superior courts that it clearly says commission that makes recommendations for the appointment of judges, its members shall be Provincial High Court Chief Justices who have never taken oath under PCO. In case the criteria are not met then it will be senior most judges who will be members of the commission and those who have never taken oath under PCO. If in January 2000 there had been no PCO by General Musharraf and Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and his brother justices not taken oath under the PCO and provided constitutional protection to General Musharraf’s dictatorship, then it is our firm belief that in COD the mention of judges who took oath under PCO and their appointment would not have been mentioned as an Article in order to disqualify them. But on the contrary this would not have been an issue at all.

    Mian Nawaz Shareef, Qazi Husaain Ahmed, Imran Khan and their like minded political leaders, lawyers, Ansar Abbasi and others of same thought look down on the current Supreme Court Chief Justice Mr. Abdul Hameed Dogar and judges appointed under the PCO after the emergency of November 3, 2007 and don’t spare a moment in maligning them and consider them unconstitutional. Mian Nawaz Sharif has taken the extreme position of not recognizing them and has not hesitated in using derogatory and uncouth language such as “anti-state elements”, “traitors” and ”anti-Pakistan” and keeps using it in public. We have one question to all the above mentioned personalities and with all due respect we ask if Mr. Chief Justice Abdul Hameed Dogar and other judges taking oath under PCO on November 3, 2007 in their eyes was a serious and punishable crime then Mr. Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry’s oath on January 4, 2000 under General Musharraf’s first PCO too falls in the category of a serious and punishable crime. Then why do they present this one judge who committed the same unconstitutional act as a hero and the other as a traitor? Was General Musharraf’s PCO in 2000 was correct and in accordance with the constitution of Pakistan? If this is true then the Chief Justice of that time Mr. Saeed-uz-Zaman Siddiqui, Justice Nasir Aslam Zahid, Justice Wajeehuddin Ahmed, Justice Kamal Mansoor Alam, Justice Mamoon Kazi, and Justice Khalil-ur-Rahman would not have said no to taking oath under PCO and would not have said that we have already taken oath under the constitution of Pakistan and therefore we will not take a second oath under the PCO. These were the true heroes of judiciary those who demonstrated strength of character and were brave enough to not to take oath under PCO and instead submitted their resignations. This most important chapter in Pakistan’s legal history went unnoticed by Mian Nawaz Shareef and by the leadership of PML (N) who are always at the forefront of all kinds of foul and malicious attacks on Supreme Court. Rather they never came out on streets at that time, nor protested or bothered to become champions of judiciary. Nor did the lawyers who are ardently campaigning for restoration of deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and equate it with freedom of judiciary ever bothered to come out at that time and launch protests. Neither did Mr. Ansar Abbasi custodian of the pen and freedom of expression bothered to come out and lodge angry protests and columns. The sad irony is that lawyers and those political leaders who are at the forefront of long marches, waving angry fists and raging in fury never bothered to come out for Chief Justice of that time Mr. Saeed-uz-Zaman Siddiqui, Justice Nasir Aslam Zahid, Justice Wajeehuddin Ahmed, Justice Kamal Mansoor Alam, Justice Mamoon Kazi, and Justice Khalil-ur-Rahman. Not even a mild protest or statement from these lawyers was registered or launched in favor of these true heroes of judiciary. Why this dual approach and where was the civil society then? And what were the prominent members of ex-servicemen’s society doing at that time or were they hiding in some hole? Where was their sense of democracy at that time? Had Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry taken the honorable and brave step of siding with the judges who refused to take oath under General Musharraf’s PCO in 2000 then MQM too would have been at his side, as MQM’s demand and stand is principled, MQM questions as to why is only the restoration of the Nov 2 2007 judges being demanded & why not the judges who refused to take oath under PCO in 2000 and are true heroes who stood up like true men and should all be restored.

    MQM strictly adheres to the principled stand that if Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry’s taking oath in 2000 under General Musharraf’s PCO is acceptable and correct according to Ansar Abbasi and his confidantes and like-minded then how is that judges who took oath on November 3, 2007 under General Musharraf’s second PCO could be illegal ? If one judge who took oath under one PCO is judiciary’s hero, protector and flag bearer of the constitution and considered champion of law then how is it so that another judge who took oath under second PCO can be declared as the villain of judiciary ? and one who abrogated constitution ? If the oath taken on November 3, 2007 by judges was wrong then how is that oath taken earlier in 2000 under the first PCO by General Musharraf by justice Iftikhar Chaudhry was legit and right in the eyes of law ? Asking to restore judges appointed under the first PCO and taking out long marches in their support and when it comes to judges who took oath under second PCO showing utter and abject disregard , calling them as unconstitutional and demanding for them to be removed is nothing short of blatant dichotomy in the character and logic of those who are espousing Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry’s restoration. If the PCO of January 2000 was right and legit then how that is the PCO of November 3 2007 was wrong and illegal? If the second PCO was wrong and illegal then how can the first PCO be declared as right and legit?

    Ansar Abbasi and his like minded political and religious leadership, members of legal community curse and accuse General Musharraf for breaking the constitution, twice introducing PCO, keeping both President & Army Chief offices, fighting elections in uniform and distorting the constitution of the country. Alongside they also demand the restoration of the judiciary of November 2, 2007. Basically they want the restoration of the judiciary whose Chief Justice was Iftikhar Chaudhry. For those with short memories let me remind them with great respect that General Musharraf’s takeover on October 12 1999 and his non-democratic step and his chief executive’s position was validated under doctrine of necessity by whom? In 2000 General Musharraf was allowed to postpone elections for two years by whom? Again in 2002 and in 2005 General Musharraf had both the offices of Chief of Army Staff as well as President and a constitutional writ that was filed against it in Supreme Court was rejected by whom?

    Yet again on September 28th 2007 who gave permission to General Musharraf to fight elections in uniform? Was it the Dogar Judiciary as cynically put by Nawaz Shareef or was it the judiciary of November 2, 2007 that rejected the constitutional writs against General Musharraf regarding his Chief of Army Staff uniform, these writs according to Article 184(3) were declared as non maintainable and rejected by whom?

    If Mr. Ansar Abbasi and his like minded friends and cronies call General Musharraf a dictator and usurper then who gave sanctuary and constitutional protection to this dictator’s extra-constitutional steps?

    In due consideration and full acknowledgement of these facts and in light of this evidence Mr. Ansar Abbasi should sincerely ponder and seriously reflect as to whom is the true violator of the Charter of Democracy? Whether it is MQM or was it Nawaz Shareef and his political allies and confidantes who in demanding the restoration of PCO judges are standing accused of violating their own charter of democracy? If Ansar Abbasi and his confidantes and like minded political friends think and view the COD as that sacrosanct document that if its is not practiced then the entire judiciary, parliamentary system and democracy can be declared as non constitutional and can lead to the turning of tables on democracy and its lynching then principled approach and scruples tell us that if one has faith in COD then one should not talk of restoration of an individual who took oath under a dictator’s PCO, someone who provided full protection to the dictators extra constitutional transgressions. And if one only wants to talk out loud on the COD and not to practice it in spirit , then those who talk out the loudest on the COD should instead of long march go to the Constitution Avenue in Islamabad and burn this COD in the presence of public and in their court and to stop fooling people and pray for their forgiveness.

    Would Mr. Ansar Abbasi exhibit moral courage to seek nation’s forgiveness for supporting Mr. Iftikhar Chaudhry a person who took oath under General Musharraf’s PCO, a person who provided constitutional protection on many occasions to General Musharraf’s extra-constitutional steps? MQM’s leader Mr. Altaf Hussain sacrificed his party’s interest in lieu of the sensitive national security situation, the perils that democracy is facing today and for its survival in Pakistan. But is that what Mr. Ansar Abbasi would like to see that we put the entire country at stake for one person’s ego arrogance and his employment? Would MR Ansar Abbasi like to sacrifice the entire country, throw democracy in tailspin and put it to the torment of long marches, shutter-down strikes, chaos and lawlessness in these perilous times? Is MR Ansar Abbasi ready to back a long march and sit-downs that aims to destabilize the elected parliaments and to rock democracy’s boat and only to lead to have it trampled under some new dictator’s boots? Mr. Ansar Abbasi and his confidantes and like minded friends will for the sake of democracy have to select between an individual and our country’s democratic system. Is Mr. Abbasi he ready to do it?

  • Establishment — the main target in current fiasco Wednesday, September 02, 2009 Politicians point finger at Army, ISI for debacles; all except the president are losers By Ansar Abbasi

    ISLAMABAD: No matter who has authored the script of the ongoing Brig Imtiaz tamasha, engulfing the political arena, the establishment that includes the military-led intelligence agencies and the Pakistan Army have emerged as the main villains, presumably as the authors of the fiasco wanted. Nawaz Sharif and his party are uncomfortable; demand for Musharraf’s trial has been sidetracked at least for the time being; the MQM gets into a position where it believes that its stand is vindicated but the Jinnahpur controversy also created an opportunity for its opponents for a much open criticism of the party and its policies; the issues like the scrapping of 17th Amendment have now become more complex with the two leading parties setting up for a political confrontation after the PML-N finds the Presidency behind the current smear campaign against its top leadership; however, President Asif Zardari is least affected by this recently started political wrangling. It rather has favoured him by temporarily silencing the guns that were targeting him and the government from all around for their alleged misrule, on charges of corruption, the sugar scandal and the reported ruining of the state institutions. The PML-N, which is badly hurt by the revelations about the alleged provision of Rs3.5 million to its party chief Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif by former ISI chief Lt-Gen (retd) Asad Durrani, is pointing its finger at the president to have been the architect of the get-Nawaz campaign. However, the Presidency has strongly refuted these charges but different presidential aides are issuing the kind of statements that apparently show the presidency is getting amused with the situation. However, what is interesting is the unanimity between all these warring political forces showing their abhorrence over the role of the establishment in country’s politics. But in a strange dichotomy except the PML-N, the other two major warring political forces — the PPP and the MQM — are not interested in proceeding against Gen (retd) Musharraf under Article 6 of the Constitution. As one scans through the debates that took place in different talk shows of various private television channels after the recent emergence of the Jinnahpur controversy, the establishment is found to be the target of all.

    The MQM, which had been the most trusted supporter of Gen Musharraf during his nine years rule, says that its Quaid Altaf Hussain is not returning to Pakistan because of the establishment. The PPP, too, said that the military operators and intelligences agencies have not been adhering to the command of the civilian governments whereas the PML-N is of the view that it has repeatedly found the establishment and Army chiefs overstretching their mandate. While appearing as a guest in one of the talk shows, PML-N information secretary Ahsan Iqbal has said it has been a harsh reality in Pakistan that policy decisions on some specific security and international issues have not been taken with the consultation or consent of the civilian government. He quoted the Kargil issue as one example and urged upon the need of rationalising the power structure in such a manner that no step could be taken against the wishes of the democratic government.

    He said the PML-N differed with former Army chief Gen (retd) Aslam Beg after he issued a statement on the Gulf war that did not match the government’s policy. He said similarly Gen (retd) Asif Nawaz exceeded from the mandate he was given before launching the military operation against criminals, dacoits and anti-social elements in Sindh in 1992. Another Army Chief Gen (retd) Jehangir Karamat, he said, was removed because of his statement on the setting up of National Security Council. He said the PML-N government differed with Gen (retd) Musharraf on the Kargil issue. Senior PML-N leader Khwaja Muhammad Asif was of the view that the military-led intelligence agencies have been extremely powerful and instrumental in the making and breaking of the government. On the issue of the military operation in Karachi and the target killings there, Khwaja Asif said the agencies were mainly responsible for that. He said in both the 1992-93 and 1995-96 operations in Karachi, these were the military intelligence agencies that had played the important role. Interestingly, it was Khwaja Asif, who admitted that had the agencies not been so powerful MQM Quaid Altaf Hussain would have now been in Pakistan. Khwaja Asif said Altaf Hussain’s apprehensions towards the intelligences agencies, are barring him to come back and lead his party, which according to the N-leader would serve the political culture better.

    Khwaja Asif also pointed out that the present situation in the tribal areas, Balochistan, Northern Areas and in Southern Punjab is also the outcome of what the agencies did during the last 20-22 years. The PML-N leaders have been distancing itself from the 1992 military operation against the MQM and insisted that it was the Army which had overstepped. In return, the MQM leaders, too, were mainly complaining to the PML-N and its leader Nawaz Sharif over his silence and the failure to stop the 1992 military operation against the MQM. MQM leader Haider Abbas Rizvi endorsed Khwaja’s views and said Hakim Saeed was killed by the agencies but the MQM was blamed for his murder. He lamented that the MQM workers were killed in an extra-judicial manner; military courts were created to try Muttahida workers, who were punished illegally and in violation of the Constitution through summary trials by these courts. Rizvi said in the 1992 operation what he called the Haqiqi terrorists were riding in military jeeps during the Army’s operation against the MQM. “It was all planted,” he said, and lamented the then-prime minister could not do anything to stop the operation.

    Wasim Akhtar, another MQM leader, said in one the private channel that it’s a pity that the largest political parties of the country are today still dependent on Army and America. Dr Nadeem Ahsan of the MQM said MQM workers do not want Altaf Hussain to come back. He said the MQM Chief’s life is facing threats from the enemies of Pakistan. When asked to name these enemies, he pointed to both internal and external forces. When further probed, Dr Nadeem Ahsan initially named the Taliban and later said, “There are some other forces too. You can also name establishment.” When asked if the MQM fears from the establishment, he said, “Yes”. PPP information secretary Fauzia Wahab, too, in a talkshow talked of the political influence of the ISI which, according to her, grew after the agencies exposure in the Afghan war against former Soviet Union. Wahab, who is generally considered as her master’s (President) voice, said during the Afghan war the ISI became very resourceful and developed new technologies, which the agencies has to use somewhere to prove its worth. Referring to the history and also finding it true in the present day Pakistan, she said one thing is clear that in Pakistan democracy never got strengthened and the civilian authority has never been maintained. She said in her view there does not exist any central authority. Fauzia Wahab also added the 1992 operation is the reflection of the fact that the military operators at that time were not ready to concede the supremacy of the civilian leadership. She, however, believed the military interventions can’t be stopped by hanging a dictator but by improving the performance of parliament and through the vision and greater assertion of the political leadership. Dr Firdous Aashiq Awan, another PPP leader, blamed the establishment for the PPP government’s “mistake” to launch operation in Karachi against the MQM in 1995-96.

  • Speech of Haider Abbas Rizvi (MQM) Rebuttal to Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan in the Parliament 1 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gYV4CIPrMiU

    Speech of Haider Abbas Rizvi (MQM) Rebuttal to Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan in the Parliament 2 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W-EoNo-DKn8&feature=related

    Speech of Haider Abbas Rizvi (MQM) Rebuttal to Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan in the Parliament 3 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T8T0ykqmPiI&feature=related

    Speech of Haider Abbas Rizvi (MQM) Rebuttal to Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan in the Parliament 4 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3AjxCGJLeB0&feature=related

  • Why don’t Mr. Nawaz Sharif Resigned from Politics because he is himself denying and refuting his very own words on “LOTA”

    ہم نے پاکستان مسلم لیگ (ن) کو انقلابی جماعت بنانے کا فیصلہ کیا ہے ملک کے مسائل کو جڑ سے اکھاڑنے کیلئے انقلاب لانا ہو گا انقلابی جذبے سے ہی مسائل حل ہو سکتے ہیں ملک کو ناکام ہوتا نہیں دیکھ سکتے ججز کی بحالی کے حوالے سے ساٹھ سال کے بعد قوم نے اپنا سکہ اور لوہا منوایا کہ وہ کوئی بھی فیصلہ کر سکتی ہے انہوں نے کہاکہ لوٹوں کی سیاست کا خاتمہ کر چکے ہیں جب آصف علی زرداری نے پنجاب میں ہماری حکومت کو توڑا تو لوٹوں نے واپس آنے کی کوشش کی تھی اللہ نے پارٹی پر کرم کیا اور اسے لوٹوں سے دور رکھا انہوں نے کہاکہ میں نے واضح کر دیاتھا کہ پارٹی میں لوٹے واپس آ گئے تو میں سیاست سے دستبردار ہو جاؤں گا۔ حکومت جاتی ہے تو چلی جائے پنجاب میں کسی اور کی حکومت بن جائے مگر لوٹوں کو واپس نہیں لیں گے پارٹی میں لوٹا بازی کی سیاست کو برداشت نہیں کیا جائے گا نواز شریف نے کہاکہ جن کارکنوں نے پرویز مشرف کے ظلم و ستم کا سامنا کیا وہ ہیروں میں تولنے کے لائق ہیں ان جانثار رکاکنوں کو پارٹی کی تنظیم نو میں پورے عزت و قار کے ساتھ جگہ دی جائے گی کارکنان پارٹی کا قیمتی اثاثہ ہیں اس عہد کے ساتھ جمع ہوئے ہیں کہ پاکستان مسلم لیگ (ن) کو حقیقی معنوں میں بانی پاکستان قائداعظم محمد علی جناح کی میراث بنایا جائے گا ہمیشہ مسلم لیگ کو تماشا بنایا گیا پاکستان مسلم لیگ (ن) نے بانی پاکستان کی سپاہ بن کر اس کی میراث بننا ہے ہم اقتدار نہیں اقدار کی سیاست کر رہے ہیں۔ اقتدار کے کھیل کے کھلاڑی بننے کے لیے اپنے اصول و نظریات کو قربان نہیں کریں گے ۔ ملک میں جب بھی آمر برسراقتدار آیا اسے نے عدلیہ کی آزادی پر شب خون مارنے کے لیے مسلم لیگ میں دراڑ ڈال کر اس پر قبضہ کیا۔مسلم لیگ ہمیشہ آمروں کے عزائم کا کھلونا بنی ہے

    http://awaz-e-haq.com/2009/09/page/68/

    Archive for September, 2009

  • Sharifs lose 80pc of assets, says Qureshi Ansar Abbasi DAWN WIRE SERVICE Week Ending: 16 December 2000 Issue : 06/48 http://www.lib.virginia.edu/area-studies/SouthAsia/SAserials/Dawn/2000/dec1600.html#shar

    ISLAMABAD, Dec 10: The exile of the Sharif family to Saudi Arabia following the pardon announcement by the government, has deprived the Raiwind dwellers of their 15 assets, worth billions of rupees. A spokesman for the government, Maj-Gen Rashid Qureshi, told Dawn on Monday that almost 80 per cent of the Sharifs’ property had been “taken over” by the government. According to Mr Qureshi, the 15 assets that have been taken over by
    the government in return for providing a safe “exit” to the Sharif family include Rs300 million in cash; industrial assets including Brother Steel Mills; Ilyas Enterprises; Hudaybia Paper Mill; Hudaybia Engineering Company; Hamza Spinning Mills; residential property including the Model Town bungalow; three houses at Mall
    Road Murree; property at 135 Upper Mall Lahore; a plot at Model Town Lahore; a plot at Upper Mall, Lahore; agricultural property including 10.2 kanals of land at Khanpur Sheikhupura Road Lahore; 41 acres and 7 kanals of land at Sheikhupura; 14.2 kanals of land and another 35 kanals at Bhaipharu in Chunnian and 88 kanals of land at Raiwind.

    The Raiwind palace of the Sharif family, which ruled the country for almost 15 years, has however not been Confiscated by the government. Mr Qureshi dispelled the impression that there had been any underhand deal between the government and the Sharif family. He said the government had simply responded to the repeated mercy petitions filed by the Sharifs. Contrary to what the Sharifs were pretending before the public and
    in their statements to the media, Mr Qureshi said they had been writing to the government including the chief executive and the president, appealing for pardon.

    “We were receiving their requests for mercy in the past three to four months particularly after the courts handed over decisions against Nawaz Sharif,” he said.
    These requests were renewed recently following Nawaz Sharif’s reported ailment. Mr Qureshi stated that since the chief executive had repeatedly said that he was not vindictive so he recommended to President Tarar that the imprisonment of the Sharifs be pardoned and turned into exile while the rest of the punishments including fines, forfeiture of property and disqualification should stay.

    When told that the people in streets felt as if they had been betrayed by the government for allowing a safe exit to the Sharifs, the government spokesman said, “the Government has actually taken a compassionate view of the situation and converted the imprisonment into exile.”
    Qureshi dispelled the impression that a “deal” was ‘brokered’ either by a Saudi prince or was the exit the consequence of Saudi Arabia’s pressure.

  • Cabinet had no idea of exile deal Ansar Abbasi DAWN WIRE SERVICE Week Ending: 16 December 2000 Issue : 06/48 http://www.lib.virginia.edu/area-studies/SouthAsia/SAserials/Dawn/2000/dec1600.html#cabi

    ISLAMABAD, Dec 12: The government did not consult the Cabinet but took into confidence the military elite while granting pardon to Nawaz Sharif and sending the family into exile. A well-placed government source confided to Dawn that the dramatic decision had been taken purely by the men in uniform. The matter was discussed in the closed circles of the military
    before being put to the corps commanders at their two-day meeting last week. Asked whether the matter was placed before the cabinet, the source said: “No”. It was too sensitive a matter to be discussed by the cabinet, he added.

    The military elite’s support to the idea came when it was explained that the pardon and the exile was being allowed following Saudi Arabia’s request. It was said that the Saudi government had given assurance that the
    Sharifs would not take part in politics “for quite some time”. “Besides, the Sharifs, too, had given the undertaking in writing not to take part in politics,” the source said. Asked how Saudi Arabia would prevent any of the Sharifs to travel to London and issue political statements from there against the military regime, the source said: “If the Saudis can get the
    Sharifs freed, they can also make them behave accordingly. They (the Saudis) are very strict in their commitments.”

    The source, however, refused to accept that there was any Saudi “pressure” on the government to get the Sharifs off the hook. In reply to a question, the source said that those exiled to Saudi Arabia would remain there. “If anyone of them goes to some other country he would be bound to come back to the country of exile,”
    the source said. “We have the best example of Idi Amin who lives in Saudi Arabia with his 19 wives but as a completely non-political entity.” Persuading the government for pardon, the Saudi authorities had
    said that not only would it be an Islamic act to set Nawaz Sharif free after the payment of Qisas but it would also be politically helpful to the military regime.

    “We were told by the Saudis that they had also tried to get Zulfikar Ali Bhutto freed but Pakistan’s response in negative had plunged the country in an unending political turmoil,” the source said. He stated that the military government was expecting that the departure of Sharifs’ from politics would set things, particularly
    economic situation, right for the country. The government, he said, hoped that the present state of “shock” and “uncertainty” would not last long.
    “Don’t you agree with the idea of throwing the dirt out to get the house in order,” the source commented.

  • 35 journalists on govt’s ‘hit list’

    Exclusively for Jang Group [under Nawaz Sharif DAWN WIRE SERVICE Week Ending : 05 June 1999 Issue : 05/23 Government] http://www.lib.virginia.edu/area-studies/SouthAsia/SAserials/Dawn/1999/05jun99.html#35jo
    35 journalists on govt’s ‘hit list’

    WASHINGTON, June 1: The Committee to Protect journalists, a New York-based press freedom organization, is conducting an investigation into a “hit list” prepared allegedly by the Pakistan government. “We are looking into it,” a CPJ spokesperson said, confirming that the list contains the names of 35 prominent journalists. According to the CPJ, the names were: Irshad Ahmed Haqqani, Rehmat Ali Razi, Anjum Rasheed, Suhail Warraich, Sohaib Marghoob and Roman Ehsan, (Jang Lahore), M. Ziauddin and Ansar Abbasi (Dawn Islamabad), Dr Maleeha Lodhi, Javed Jaidi, Nusrat Javed and Mariana Babar (The News Islamabad), Rehana Hakeem and Zahid Hussain (Newsline), Ejaz Haider, Khalid Ahmed, Jugnu Mohsin and Adnan Adil (The Friday Times), Mahmood Sham (Jang Karachi), Rashed Rehman (The Nation Lahore), Amir Ahmed Khan (Herald), Imtiaz Alam, Beena Sarwar, Shafiq Awan, Kamila Hyat and Amir Mir (The News Lahore),
    Abbas Athar (Nawa-i-Waqat Lahore), Kamran Khan and Shehzad Amjad (The News Karachi), Azam Khalil (Pulse), Mohammad Malik (Tribune), Imtiaz Ahmed (The Frontier Post Peshawar), Ilyas Chaudhry (Jang Rawalpindi), Naveed Meraj (The Frontier Post Islamabad) and Syed Talat Hussain (The Nation Islamabad).

    According to reports received by the CPJ, the federal government had decided to establish a special media cell comprising officials from the police, Intelligence Bureau and the Federal Investigation Agency to punish the journalists who have been writing against the government. Ehtesab Bureau Chairman Senator Saifur Rehman Khan would head this cell which would function simultaneously at Lahore, Islamabad, Karachi and Peshawar with its head office at Islamabad.

  • Nawaz orders fresh inquiry against FIA official By Ansar Abbasi DAWN WIRE SERVICE Week Ending : 04 September 1999 Issue : 05/36 http://www.lib.virginia.edu/area-studies/SouthAsia/SAserials/Dawn/1999/04sep99.html#nawa

    ISLAMABAD, Aug 30: Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has ordered re-inquiry against an FIA official who investigated the foreign currency accounts of Mian Abbas Sharif, the younger brother of the premier, it was learnt. The PM set aside the findings of the investigation carried out by Sajjad Mustafa Bajwa, assistant director (under suspension). He also rejected the recommendations of a former secretary of interior who had exonerated Mr Bajwa and called for his immediate reinstatement. However, a deputy secretary of the interior ministry who was asked to reopen inquiry against Mr Bajwa refused. Now a joint secretary of the interior division Javed Raza, has been nominated the inquiry officer.

  • Shahbaz Sharif talks of intelligence report; flat denial by FO Ansar Abbasi DAWN WIRE SERVICE Week Ending : 09 October 1999 Issue : 05/41 http://www.lib.virginia.edu/area-studies/SouthAsia/SAserials/Dawn/1999/09oct99.html#shah

    ISLAMABAD, Oct 6: The reported statement of the Punjab Chief Minister, Mian Shahbaz Sharif, in which he had accused the Taliban of backing sectarian violence in Pakistan, has stunned the high authorities here.
    The Foreign Office has formally regretted what it termed “the baseless speculation and incorrect reporting in some sections of the media, claiming that the Taliban government of Afghanistan is allegedly involved in recent incidents of terrorist violence in the
    country.” Sources in the relevant agencies of the federal government have expressed complete ignorance about the availability of any intelligence report that could support what the Punjab CM was reported to have said in his talk with newsmen at Lahore on Tuesday.

    They said the Punjab delegation which had attended an inter-provincial meeting on Monday, a day before the CM’s reported statement, did not mention a word about the Taliban backing the sectarian violence in Pakistan.
    “There was absolutely no mention of the Taliban in the meeting which was called merely to discuss sectarianism,” a source who attended the meeting said.

    The Punjab Chief Secretary, A.Z.K. Sherdil, however, told Dawn by telephone from his Lahore residence that some intelligence reports did suggest that religious extremists from Pakistan got training in Afghanistan and before joining sectarian violence in the country.

    He said these intelligence reports maintained that such elements received training in camps inside Afghanistan, had fought along with the Taliban against the Afghan opposition, and had infiltrated into Pakistan and were involved in sectarian violence. “We are quite concerned about this situation and want a comprehensive policy to check this movement across the Pakistan-Afghan border,”
    Mr Sherdil said. He, however, denied that there was any mention, in these intelligence reports, about Riaz Basra’s protection by the Taliban.

    The chief secretary said there was massive gun-running from Afghanistan to the tribal areas in Pakistan from where the weapons came to the NWFP and then supplied to other provinces. He said since the Pakistan-Afghan border was not properly manned, this practice continues.

    However, official sources in the federal government totally deny having seen any such intelligence report. But some sources believe that the Punjab chief minister who has recently returned from an “important US trip” had taken an initiative to dissociate Pakistan from the Taliban and Afghanistan.

    Meanwhile the Foreign Office, in a press statement issued here on Wednesday evening, regretted “the baseless speculation and incorrect reporting in some sections of the media, claiming that the Taliban government of Afghanistan is allegedly involved in
    recent incidents of terrorist violence in the country.”

  • Over 90 men appointed on political basis Ansar Abbasi DAWN WIRE SERVICE Week Ending: 02 January 1999 Issue : 05/01 http://www.lib.virginia.edu/area-studies/SouthAsia/SAserials/Dawn/1999/02Jan99.html#over

    ISLAMABAD, Dec 27: The year 1998 has been one of the worst years for civil bureaucracy in Pakistan for mounting politicization, intensified inter-service rivalries, controversial promotions and non-resolution of outstanding issues. According to official sources, during 1998 well over 90 persons were appointed on political basis and were given key positions in
    the civil bureaucracy on the orders of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif.

    The political appointees include retired government servants and persons from open market. At least 13 persons were offered grade 22 positions; 17 were adjusted against grade 21 posts; 31 were offered
    grade 20; and the rest in other grades. These include the retired civil servants re-employed in violation
    of the rules and without fulfilling the conditions for re-employments. These political appointees also include those retired military officers who were re-employed without following the prescribed procedure.

    “Most of these appointments were irregular,” a source said, adding the prime minister had been using his discretionary powers to make these appointments.

    Political appointments in certain cases is allowed under the rules provided it is done in the public interest. However, during the year under review hardly any of these political appointments were made on the recommendation of relevant government agencies.

    “Everything has been travelling down from big office,” a source said. The sources said transfer of bureaucrats remained a tricky issue and most of the appointments at key positions were made without consulting the government agencies which were supposed to initiate
    and regulate the transfers of bureaucrats.

    The establishment division, which is responsible for the career planning of the officers, has turned into a post office and is there only to stamp whatever is communicated to it by the prime minister’s office.

    Under the rules the prime minister issues the transfer order for bureaucrats in grade 21 and 22. The rest is the jurisdiction of the secretary, establishment. But in case of the transfer of grade 21 and 22 bureaucrats the establishment division is the authority to identify the vacancy, look for suitable candidates and propose a
    panel of officers before the prime minister. The PM is then supposed to select one of the officers.

    “But in actual practice no such exercise is done. Now everything is done by the PM’s office who simply conveys as to who should be transferred against which position,” a source said, adding during this year almost all the key positions like federal secretaries, chief secretaries, inspector generals of police (IGPs) and heads of different departments were decided without the knowledge of the ED.

    “The ED has been only bothered at the time of the issuance of notifications,” the source said.

    Even in those cases where the secretary, establishment, is the competent authority, the PM office has been interfering to give the plum postings to ‘blue-eyed’ bureaucrats. Sources in the PM’s office confirmed to this correspondent that most of these posting orders were issued by the PM’s office on the wish of the parliamentarians and other influentials.

    The promotions have also been very controversial during this year. Most of the groups of the civil bureaucracy remained frustrated because of their bleak promotion prospects. The district management group, however, got good promotions. It got two promotion in grade
    22, 14 in grade 21, at least 21 in grade 20 and others.

    Information group officers, having very bleak promotion prospects, were happy during this year because of their en-block promotions. These promotions were made without following the statutory provisions.

    Disparity in the pace of promotion between different groups has further worsened. Bureaucrats, particularly belonging to the groups of office anagement/secretariat, information, military land and cantonment, railways, and commerce and trade, remained the worst as far as promotion is concerned.

    The government has set a new precedent during the year 1998 by giving out of turn promotions to at least four of its ‘blue eyed’ bureaucrats. Two juniors were promoted (in grade 20 and 21 respectively) in PSP; and one each in secretariat group (in grade 22) and DMG (in grade 20) without considering a brigade of their
    seniors. All these officers were promoted without following the statutory provision or fulfilling the prescribed procedure and in complete violation of government rules.

    Long-standing issues, like the fixation of share for different occupations in the secretariat group, remained unresolved. The issue is pending since the introduction of the 1973 administrative reforms.

  • PML leaders being excluded from Ehtesab process Ansar Abbasi DAWN WIRE SERVICE Week Ending : 26 April 1997 Issue : 03/17 http://www.lib.virginia.edu/area-studies/SouthAsia/SAserials/Dawn/1997/26Apr97.html#pmll

    ISLAMABAD, April 25: Government agencies involved in the accountability exercise are said to be avoiding the processing of cases of alleged corruption or misuse of authority against members of the ruling PML, it is
    learnt. Investigations into the working of the Ehtesab commission and the interior ministry which are directly concerned with the accountability process under
    a statute, show that neither of them has been processing the references against PML leaders. According to sources, the two agencies have even been told to lay off certain cases.

    The sources claimed that some of the top PML leaders against whom references had been pending were Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, Sindh Chief Minister Liaquat Jatoi, Punjab Assembly speaker Pervez Elahi, former chief minister of the NWFP Pir Syed Sabir Shah, former Balochistan chief minister Zulfiqar Magsi, and former Punjab minister Raja Ishfaq Sarwar. Besides, a case against the NA deputy speaker, Jaffar Iqbal, was referred by an advocate from Multan to the Ehtesab Commissioner. But the commission has denied having received any formal reference in this regard.

    A commission source, however, told this correspondent that the reference had actually been sent to the commission and it had been redirected to the provincial anti-corruption department for verification of the allegations. The Ehtesab Commission has so far referred a total of 54 cases to special benches of the high courts for trial. These include only two references
    against the PML leaders Chaudhry Sher Ali (MNA) and Jam Mashooq Ali (MNA). But both had been sent to the high courts much before the present government came to power.

    It is learnt that the agencies concerned have been told to keep a low profile in some cases involving bureaucrats and other top officials. The case of Raana Sheikh, former MD, PTV, for instance, has been pending with the interior division but they have been asked not to send it to the Ehtesab Commission, interior ministry sources told dawn. Later, the Accountability Cell of the PMs Secretariat suspended all these officers except the two Ahmad Riaz Shiekh and Chaudhry Sharif. The FIA
    administration, the sources said, wanted to move against these two officials but they had not only been saved but the authorities had also been asked to process the case of promotion of one of them.

    According to one source, these officers have set the condition that they will only go to FIA if the incumbent director general is removed.

  • if zardari was making a fool out of nawaz sharif then it means nawaz sharif can be made a fool. Ansar abbasi, yeh appreciation hay ya take nawaz sharif kee?

  • Haroon Rasheed agrees with Ansar Abbasi and Aitzaz Ahsan. There’s no lotacracy in Punjab, all legitimate.

    کون سا میثاق؟کون سی خلاف ورزی؟
    ناتمام…ہارون الرشید

    جس چیز کی سب سے زیادہ ضرورت ہے، وہی نایاب، النادر کالمعدوم! خود احتسابی!… سیاسی لیڈر اپنے گریبانوں میں نہیں جھانکتے۔ دوسروں کی آنکھوں کے تنکے تو وہ دیکھتے ہیں، اپنے شہتیر نظر نہیں آتے… افسوس، افسوس کہ کسی کی نظر اقبال #کی طرف نہیں جاتی:
    دستِ قضا میں صورتِ شمشیر ہے وہ قوم
    کرتی ہے ہر زماں جو اپنے عمل کا حساب

    ایک سادہ سی بات بیرسٹر اعتزاز احسن نے کہی ہے۔ ان سے اختلاف کیا جاسکتا ہے، مگر اس قدر برہم ہونے کی ضرورت کیا ہے؟ ان کی رائے میں اگر کوئی پارلیمانی پارٹی اکثریت سے فیصلہ کرلے تو وہ نافذ ہوجائے گا۔ قاف لیگ کو اعتراض ہے تو وہ عدالت سے رجوع کرسکتی ہے۔ لاہور ہائی کورٹ کے چیف جسٹس کا ریکارڈ ہمارے سامنے ہے۔ ان سے نا انصافی کا اندیشہ کسی کو نہیں۔ گاہے قانون کی ایک سے زیادہ تعبیرات ہواکرتی ہیں اور ایسے میں عدالت کا فیصلہ حتمی ہوتا ہے جو دلائل سنا کرتی ہے، اشتعال نہیں۔

    سامنے کی سچائی یہ بھی ہے کہ مسلم لیگ اصل میں ایک ہے کہ اس کاووٹر ایک ہے۔ قاف لیگ فوجی دباؤ کے ساتھ تخلیق کی گئی تھی۔ مفروضہ یہ تھا کہ نواز شریف کو وطن واپسی کی اجازت نہ دی جائے گی۔ وہ آئے تو ظاہر ہے کہ ووٹر کو ان کی طرف پلٹ جانا تھا۔ قاف لیگ کو بہرحال تحلیل ہونا ہے۔ پھر یہ کہ اچھی یا بری، پیپلزپارٹی اور نون لیگ ہی سیاسی جماعتیں ہیں، قاف لیگ نہیں۔ اس کے پاس لیڈر تو بہت ہیں، کارکن مگر برائے نام بھی نہیں۔ اگر یہ ایک سیاسی جماعت ہوتی تو اس کی قیادت صدر زرداری سے خفیہ سمجھوتہ کرکے زندہ رہنے کی کوشش کیوں کرتی؟

    بالکل اسی طرح، موجودہ کشمکش میں میثاق جمہوریت کاحوالہ بالکل بے معنی ہے۔ یہ معاہدہ اسی دن باطل ہو گیا تھا، جب محترمہ بینظیر بھٹو اور فوجی حکمران کے درمیان این آر او نامی سمجھوتہ طے پایا تھا۔ ان اندیشوں اور مصلحتوں کی بنا پر، جن کا سبھی کو ادراک ہے، اسے دفن کرنے سے البتہ گریز کیاگیا۔ کتنی عجیب بات، معاہدے میں لکھا ہے ہے کہ کوئی سیاسی جماعت فوجی حکومت سے مذاکرات نہ کرے گی۔ ایک پارٹی نے نہ صرف مذاکرات کئے اور سمجھوتہ کرلیا بلکہ کھلے عام اس کا د فاع بھی کرتی رہی۔ اسی کے تحت اقتدار حاصل کیا اور اب احتجاج ہے کہ میثاق جمہوریت کی خلاف ورزی ہوئی۔ کون سا میثاق اور کون سی خلاف ورزی؟

    میثاق جمہوریت کے پیچھے کار فرما ، بنیادی مفروضہ ہی غلط تھا۔ یہ کہ سیای جماعتوں کی باہمی مفاہمت سے فوج کا راستہ روکا جاسکتا ہے۔ معاملے کا یہ صرف ایک رخ ہے۔ فوج کا راستہ روکنے کے لئے آزاد میڈیا، طاقتور عدالت، حکومت کی اخلاقی ساکھ اور عام آدمی کی اس درجہ بہبود ضروری ہے، جو اسے ناراض ہونے سے روکے رکھے۔ اگر باقی تمام شرائط نظرانداز کردی جائیں تومحض سیاسی جماعتوں کی مفاہمت فوج کو کیسے روکے گی؟ اللہ کا شکر ہے کہ صحافت آزاد ہے اور عدالت بھی۔ مزید یہ کہ فعال طبقات مارشل لا کے حق میں نہیں بلکہ بدترین حالات کے باوجود، سخت خلاف۔ رہی اچھی حکمرانی اور اخلاقی ساکھ تو کچھ عرض کرنے کی ضرورت ہی نہیں۔ ملک کی پوری تاریخ میں اس سے زیادہ بری حکمرانی اور اس سے زیادہ کرپشن کبھی نہ تھی… اوربھی زیادہ افسوسناک یہ کہ جنہیں اس کی پرواہ ہونی چاہئے، انہیں احساس اور ادراک ہی نہیں۔

    حکومت کس چڑیا کا نام ہے؟ امن و امان کا قیام، ٹیکسوں کی وصولی، معیشت کی تعمیر اور ملک کا دفاع، آزاد خارجہ پالیسی جس کی بنیاد ہوتی ہے۔ ان تمام چیزوں میں مرکزی اور صوبائی حکومتوں کی کارکردگی کیاہے؟ عجیب بات ہے۔ حکومتیں اپنے فرائض ادا نہ کریں۔ ساری توجہ جوڑتوڑ پر مرکوز کئے رکھیں۔اس کے بعد یہ فرض کرلیاجائے کہ عسکری اقتدارکے خطرے کو روکنے کے لئے سیاسی پارٹیوں کی باہمی مفاہمت سے تمام تر قومی مفادات کا تحفظ ممکن ہوسکے گا۔ کس قدراحمقانہ مفروضہ ہے، جسے ایمان کا درجہ دے دیا گیا اور جس کی تبلیغ جاری ہے۔

    واقعہ یہ ہے کہ اگر آج بھی مارشل لا کے راستے میں کوئی رکاوٹ ہے تو فعال طبقات، آزادعدالتیں، آزاد میڈیا اور شاید ان سب سے زیادہ عسکری قیادت کی ہوش مندی اور دانائی۔ یہ احساس کہ مارشل لا سے اتنے مسائل حل نہیں ہوتے، جتنے کہ پیدا ہوجاتے ہیں۔ سروے وگرنہ یہ کہتے ہیں کہ عام لوگوں کی اکثریت فوجی اقتدار کو قبول کرنے پر آماد ہ ہے۔ اگر کسی کو شبہ ہے تو وہ کسی بھی بڑے شہر کی کم آمدن والی آبادیوں اور شہروں کے گرد پھیلے دیہات میں جائے اور خلق خدا سے پوچھ لے۔ جنرل پرویز مشرف کے دورِ اقتدارکی تلخ یادیں ابھی تازہ ہیں۔ کس طرح اٹھارہ کروڑ انسانوں کی قوم کو ایک ٹیلی فون پر استعمار کی گود میں ڈال دیا گیا۔ آخری دنوں میں فوجی افسر کس طرح اپنی وردیاں چھپاتے پھرتے تھے۔ لال مسجد میں کیونکر خون کی ہولی کھیلی گئی اور اعلیٰ عدالتوں کے ساتھ کیا سلوک کیا گیا۔ پرلے درجے کے عاقبت نااندیش لوگ ہی ایسے میں مارشل لا کی آرزو کرسکتے ہیں ۔عام آدمی اکثر عاقبت نااندیش ہی ہوتا ہے کہ بھوک کفر تک لے جاتی ہے۔ پھر یہ کہ دہشت ردی کی جنگ اور مشرق وسطیٰ کے انقلاب نے آزادی کے ولولے کو کچھ اور مہمیز کردیا ہے۔ ایسے میں فوجی مداخلت کاہرگز کوئی اندیشہ نہیں۔ مہم جوئی خطرناک ہوگی اورعالمی طاقتیں بھی اسے گوارہ نہ کریں گی۔ سمندرپارپاکستانیوں کی عظیم اکثریت ایسے کسی بھی اقدام کو سختی سے مسترد کردے گی۔
    بڑی سیاسی جماعتوں نے فوجی مداخلت کو مشکل تر بنا نے کے لئے ہرگز کوئی کام نہیں کیا۔ ان کی باہمی مفاہمت نہیں بلکہ دوسرے عوامل کی وجہ سے وہ رکی ہوئی ہے۔ اذیت کے یہ دن گزر جائیں گے۔ انشاء اللہ وہ رکی ہی رہے گی۔ اپنی حکمت عملیوں اور ترجیحات پر اگر وہ ٹھنڈے دل سے غور کریں تو اطمینان کی ہرگز کوئی وجہ وہ نہ پائیں گے۔ پٹوار وہی، پولیس گردی وہی، افلاس پہلے سے زیادہ، گرانی میں دن رات اضافہ… اپنی کارکردگی پر انہیں شرم آنی چاہئے مگر نہیں آتی۔ ملک کے بڑے بڑے لیڈر کاروبار میں مگن ہیں اور اس انداز سے کہ گھن آتی ہے۔ قومی معیشت بے پناہ امکانات کی حامل ہے لیکن رتی برابر توجہ بھی نہیں۔ کرپشن اگر ختم نہیں تو محدودکی جاسکتی ہے مگر مجال ہے کہ ایک ذرا سا اقدام بھی ہو۔ ملک کو فوجی اقتدار سے بچائے رکھنا بھی اہم ہے مگر کیا یہ واحد مسئلہ ہے ؟کیا یہ مسئلہ دوسری وجوہات سے پیدا نہیں ہوتا اور کیا ان وجوہات سے نمٹنے کی کبھی کوئی حقیقی کوشش بھی ہوئی؟

    جس چیز کی سب سے زیادہ ضرورت ہے، وہی نایاب، النادر کالمعدوم! خود احتسابی!… سیاسی لیڈر اپنے گریبانوں میں نہیں جھانکتے۔ دوسروں کی آنکھوں کے تنکے تو وہ دیکھتے ہیں، اپنے شہتیر نظر نہیں آتے… افسوس، افسوس کہ کسی کی نظر اقبال #کی طرف نہیں جاتی:
    دستِ قضا میں صورتِ شمشیر ہے وہ قوم
    کرتی ہے ہر زماں جو اپنے عمل کا حساب

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