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The Pashtuns of Balochistan – by Majeed Asghar

Related articles: Now Pakhtuns’ targeted killings in Balochistan – by Jan Assakzai

بلوچستان کے پشتون

مجید اصغر

بلوچستان لغوی معنوں میں بلوچوں کی سرزمین ہے مگر موجودہ شکل میں یہ بلوچوں اور پشتونوں کا مشترکہ صوبہ ہے اس میں بلوچوں کی ریاست قلات کے علاوہ پشتون ( پختون، افغان یا پٹھان) آبادی کا وہ وسیع علاقہ بھی شامل ہے جس کا بلوچستان سے کوئی تاریخی تعلق نہیں،

بلوچ اور پشتون علاقے جغرافیائی لحاظ سے ایک ہی خطے کے دو الگ الگ علاقے ہیں جنہیں 1970ء میں مغربی پاکستان کا ون یونٹ توڑنے کے بعد ایک دوسرے میں ضم کر دیا گیا پشتون علاقہ 1879ء سے پہلے افغانستان کا حصہ تھا افغانستان کو مغلوب کرنے کے بعد انگریزوں نے اسے ایک جبری معاہدے کے تحت براہ راست اپنی عملداری میں شامل کر لیا انہوں نے اسے برٹش افغانستان کی بجائے برٹش بلوچستان کا نام دیا جس سے مستقبل میں بلوچستان اس کے نام کا حوالہ بن گیا۔ 1887ء میں اسے چیف کمشنر کے صوبے کا درجہ دیا گیا جو ریاست قلات سے الگ ایک مکمل انتظامی یونٹ تھا کوئٹہ کو اس کا دارالحکومت بنایا گیا جہاں ہندوستان کے گورنر جنرل (بعد میں وائسرائے) کا نمائندہ بیٹھتا تھا جسے ایجنٹ ٹو گورنر جنرل یا اے جی جی کہا جاتا تھا اس کے مقابلے میں ریاست قلات ایک الگ مملکت تھی جس کا اپنا خان (حکمران) اپنا دربار اور اپنی پارلیمنٹ جبکہ برٹش بلوچستان کا اپنا چیف کمشنر اور اپنا شاہی جرگہ تھا

یہ صورتحال قیام پاکستان کے بعد بھی جاری رہی مغربی پاکستان کا ون یونٹ قائم ہوا تو بلوچ علاقوں کو قلات ڈویژن اور پشتون علاقوں کو کوئٹہ ڈویژن کا نام دیا گیا ون یونٹ ٹوٹا تو دونوں ڈویژنوں کو ملا کر بلوچستان کے نام سے نیا صوبہ قائم کر دیا گیا اس وقت اس صوبے میں بلوچوں اور پشتونوں کے علاوہ پنجابی، سندھی، ہندوستان سے ہجرت کر کے آنے والے اردو دان، ہزارہ مغل اور دوسری نسلوں کے لوگ بھی آباد ہیں۔ 1998ء کی مردم شماری کو بنیاد بنایا جائے تو بلوچوں کی مجموعی آبادی تقریباً 55 فیصد، پشتونوں کی 40 فیصد اور باقی لوگوں کی کم و بیش 5 فیصد بنتی ہے مگر پشتون اس مردم شماری کو تسلیم نہیں کرتے اور اس کے تحت اعلان کردہ اعداد و شمار کو دھاندلی کا نتیجہ قرار دیتے ہیں ان کا کہنا ہے کہ پشتون آبادی کو جان بوجھ کر کم ظاہر کیا گیا ۔

اسی طرح ان کے خیال میں آباد کاروں کی تعداد بھی دس فیصد سے کسی طور کم نہیں اور چونکہ وہ زیادہ تر انہی کے علاقوں میں آباد اور انہی کا حصہ ہیں اس لئے صوبے میں پشتونوں اور آبادکاروں کی تعداد بلوچوں سے کہیں زیادہ ہے اسی بنیاد پر وہ بلوچستان کو بلوچ پشتون دو قومی صوبہ قرار دیتے ہیں اور اسکے اقتدار و اختیار میں اسی تناسب سے حصہ مانگتے ہیں۔

انگریزوں نے افغانستان سے جو علاقے ہتھیائے تھے ڈیورنڈ لائن کے معاہدے کے تحت ان کی حد بندی کی گئی جس کی رو سے نیو چمن، ریلوے سٹیشن چاغی، وزیرستان، بلند خیل، کرم آفریدی اور خیبر ایجنسی، باجوڑ، سوات، بونیر، چلاس اور چترال تک کا وسیع علاقہ ان کے قبضے میں آ گیا ان میں سے کچھ علاقے اس وقت فاٹا کے نام سے پاکستان کی مرکزی حکومت کے زیر انتظام ہیں کچھ صوبہ خیبر پختونخوا (شمالی مغربی سرحدی صوبہ) اور باقی بلوچستان کا حصہ ہیں جنہیں برٹش بلوچستان کہا جاتا تھا قیام پاکستان کے وقت بعض قوم پرست اسے واپس افغانستان میں شامل کرنا چاہتے تھے اور کچھ اسے شمالی مغربی سرحدی صوبے کے ساتھ ملا کر عظیم تر پشتونستان یا افغانیہ کے قیام کا مطالبہ کر رہے تھے پاکستان میں شمولیت کے حامیوں نے مسلم لیگ کے پلیٹ فارم سے قاضی محمد عیسیٰ اور بعض دوسرے بااثر قبائلی لیڈروں کی قیادت میں الگ تحریک چلا رکھی تھی وہ اس کا علیحدہ تشخص برقرار رکھتے ہوئے اسے پاکستان کے اندر ایک خود مختار صوبہ بنانا چاہتے تھے۔ قائداعظم نے انہیں یقین دلایا کہ ”یہ میرا صوبہ ہے اور اس کے حقوق کا محافظ میں ہوں“ چنانچہ برٹش بلوچستان کے شاہی جرگے اور کوئٹہ میونسپل کمیٹی کے غیر سرکاری ارکان کا مشترکہ اجلاس ہوا جس نے متفقہ طور پر پاکستان میں شمولیت کے حق میں فیصلہ دے دیا۔ اس طرح یہ علاقہ پاکستان کا حصہ بن گیا۔

اس میں کوئی شک نہیں کہ بلوچوں اور افغانوں یا پشتونوں میں تین ہزار سال سے دوستانہ روابط چلے آ رہے ہیں اور وہ وقت کی آزمائشوں پر پورا اترنے اور ایک دوسرے کا ساتھ دینے والے اچھے ہمسائے ہیں۔ ان میں رشتہ داریاں بھی قائم ہیں۔ خان آف قلات میر احمد یار خان کی بیگم اتحاد عالم اسلامی کے عظیم افغان علمبردار علامہ سید جمال الدین افغانی کی نواسی تھیں۔ نواب محمد اکبر بگٹی اور نواب خیربخش مری کی بیگمات بھی پشتون ہیں بعض بڑے بلوچ قبائل کے بارے میں کہا جاتا ہے کہ وہ نسلاً افغان ہیں مگر آپس کے میل جول اور قرابت داریوں کی وجہ سے وقت گزرنے کے ساتھ بلوچوں میں اتنے گھل مل گئے کہ اب چوٹی کے بلوچ قبائل میں ان کا شمار ہوتا ہے ان میں رئیسانی، زرک زئی اور بعض روایات کے مطابق مینگل بھی شامل ہیں مگر ان قربتوں کے باوجود پشتون بلوچ تضادات بھی کافی گہرے ہیں ان کے علاقے الگ زبانیں الگ اور معمولی ردوبدل کے ساتھ ان کے رسم و رواج بھی الگ ہیں

ان تضادات کے ساتھ جب انہیں ایک صوبے میں ضم کیا گیا تو ان کے سیاسی اور اقتصادی مفادات بھی ایک دوسرے سے الگ ہو گئے۔ پشتونوں کو شکایت ہے کہ صوبے کے اقتدار و اختیار پر بلوچوں کا قبضہ ہے بعض حقائق اس احساس محرومی کی تصدیق بھی کرتے ہیں مثلاً اس وقت صوبے کے گورنر، وزیراعلیٰ، سپیکر صوبائی اسمبلی اور چیف سیکرٹری سب بلوچ ہیں، پشتون سیاسی پارٹیاں خصوصاً پشتونخوا ملی عوامی پارٹی اور عوامی نیشنل پارٹی نشاندہی کرتی ہیں کہ سیکرٹریٹ میں تمام کلیدی عہدے بلوچوں کے پاس ہیں سیکرٹری یا اس سطح کی 60 اہم آسامیوں میں سے آٹھ دس کے سوا سب پر بلوچ افسر تعینات ہیں چھ کمشنروں میں سے پانچ بلوچ ہیں جو پشتون افسر سینئر گریڈ میں پہنچ جائیں انہیں زیادہ تر او ایس ڈی بنا کر ایک طرف بٹھا دیا جاتا ہے۔ وفاقی کابینہ میں اس وقت بلوچستان سے چار وزیر شامل ہیں جو سب کے سب بلوچ ہیں، ایک بھی پشتون نہیں۔

Source: http://search.jang.com.pk/archive/details.asp?nid=507786

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  • Concerns Of Pashtuns In Balochistan
    Arif Tabassum
    Sat, 20-Dec-2008

    THE proposed constitutional package may not be acceptable to all but no one can ignore its immediate beneficiaries. One point, which is particularly related to Pashtuns, is about the renaming of the NWFP as Pakhtunkhwa. Since independence, the majority of Pashtuns politically struggled for their national identity, being one of the main nationalities of Pakistan. Now, that moment has arrived when one hopes to translate this dream into reality.

    However, some anti-Pakhtunkhwa elements have also become active to confuse the situation. ANP’s decision to take part in the elections and its alliance with the PPP was based on a strategy for long-term benefits, Pakhtunkhwa being the most important one. The article concerned in the proposed constitutional package meets the decades-old demand of Pashtuns, but there is a feeling that because of it Pashtuns of Balochistan may suffer its adverse effects. In fact, since the end of One Unit in early 1970s, the Pashtun districts of Balochistan have remained part of that province. This decision of the then Pashtun leadership remains questionable till today. Having their own regional and geographic spheres, Pashtuns of Balochistan are deprived of their political identity.

    The Pashtun nationalist parties in Balochistan hold different political stances over the question of identity. Some of them want to merge with the Pakhtunkhwa (the NWFP); others demand a separate province while some progressives also see the dream of becoming part of Afghanistan. All these three political approaches have their own implications; by becoming part of Pakhtunkhwa, the Pashtuns of this province will not be able to compete with Pashtuns of Pakhtunkhwa, because the education system in Balochistan is neither of good quality nor have most parts of the region easy access to basic education.

    Thus, there is a fear that this area will remain out of the competitive environment and will lag behind for more decades. Having its own identity as Southern Pakhtunkhwa, it will not be treated as a true federating unit because currently its contribution to GDP is insignificant. Thus it will get little share from the federal allocations. By becoming part of Afghanistan it will not be stabile enough to develop. All three options for seeking political identity are not viable and therefore of little consequence. A unified strategy through an alliance such as Pakhtunkhwa National Democratic Alliance (PNDA) can be considered and worked out.

    However, the proposed constitutional amendment about renaming of the NWFP has received unprecedented appreciation from the progressive community of the country. All oppressed nationalities the country have described it as a revolutionary step, which will strengthen the federation. They also hope to be awarded with a similar status for protection of their rights. Baloch nationalists also appreciated it but a section of them has given the impression that since the Pashtuns are going to get their political identity as Pakhtunkhwa, the Pashtuns of Balochistan should now give up the agenda of seeking their identity and should rethink about calling a part of Balochistan as Southern Pakhtunkhwa. It means the Pashtuns of Balochistan should now think in terms of accepting the status quo and living within the current boundaries.

    If we analyse the geographical status of Pashtuns in Pakistan, we come to the conclusion that they have been deliberately scattered into different territories so that they could not get united, perhaps because they are deemed a threat to the integrity of Pakistan. The Durand Line is the basic cause of this division. The majority of Pashtuns live in Pakhtunkhwa (the NWFP) while a major part of their population lives in Fata and the rest are compelled to live in Balochistan. This division raises some serious questions. Among the Pashtuns of Balochistan and Pakhtunkhwa, there are no direct communications links, no direct train and there are no direct flights between Peshawar and Quetta.

    Under the given circumstances, though the Pashtuns of Balochistan are very much excited about the renaming of the NWFP, yet there are feelings of being left out of the game. Such feelings grew intense when the reconciliation process started. None of the actions or statements relating to reconciliation in Balochistan talks about Pashtuns. The emphasis of this reconciliation is only on the issues, which excludes Pashtuns as an ethnic group in the province.

    Same was done in Musharraf regime, though none of the mega projects was started in Pashtun districts. The present reconciliation process repeats the same mistakes of excluding Pashtuns. The overall development scenario of Pashtun districts presents a sad picture. Politically Pashtuns have neither identity nor authority for the development of their areas. About 70 per cent of them are deprived of the basic education and health facilities. There are no post-graduate colleges or universities in the areas. The higher educational institutions in Quetta are not affordable for the poor families. The religious extremism is getting its roots deeper here.

    The quality communication sources among these areas and their links to other provinces are absent. The only one economic source, agriculture, is facing serious threat, because the underground water sources are becoming dry rapidly.

    All these factors have no place either in the reconciliation exercise or in the long-term development planning. Then, the suggestion to drop the question of identity because of the renaming of the NWFP as Pakhtunkhwa is seriously affecting the remaining political, economic and social forbearance of Pashtuns. They, however, support other matters in the reconciliation process. They have shown serious concerns over the killing of Nawab Bugti, disappearances, and control on provincial resources but it does not mean that the Pashtuns’ issues be ignored.

    Aryana Institute for Regional Research and Advocacy (AIRRA) is seen as the ever first think-tank of Pashtuns. It is expected that it will work on the issues of extremism, exclusion and segregation of Pashtuns. One hopes such think tanks will lay emphasis on Balochistan a bit more to study its complex issues. The political identity of Pakhtunkhwa should not be seen as a factor to underestimate the fate of Pashtuns in Balochistan. Through political efforts and academic studies the issues of Pashtuns in Balochistan must be highlighted in its true context.

    http://www.khyberwatch.com/forums/showthread.php?5948-Concerns-Of-Pashtuns-In-Balochistan

  • Pashtun-Baloch Relations in Balochistan

    By Guest Blogger • Dec 1st, 2009 •

    Balochistan is the only province of Pakistan that shares boundaries with the two most strategically important countries of the world: Afghanistan and Iran. At the same time, besides Punjab, it is also the only province that has direct inland connection with all of the provinces of Pakistan. Therefore, the status of Balochistan as a prime strategic location is axiomatic. Representing the five percent of total population, Balochistan constitutes the 42 percent of total area of Pakistan.

    Furthermore, it is also the only federating unit where two significant ethnicities, the Baloch and the Pashtuns, reside in almost equal proportions. This article aims at highlighting the critical dimensions of relations between both communities.

    Though, at the moment both communities are at relative peace, there can be no speculations about peace in future. Each group has a history of wars and feuds, and there exists a visible crack in the socio-economic outlooks of both societies. Before delineating Pashtun-Baloch relations, it will be pertinent to have a glimpse of the comparative view of their social build-up.

    The Baloch is a loosely interconnected ethnic group, majority of which is residing in Balochistan. It is divided into two major sub-groups; Sulaimani and Makrani. Contrary to this, the Pashtuns are more interconnected and divided into hundreds of larger sub-groups. The majority of Pushtun resides in NWFP. They are proud of their rich cultural identity. Except few tribes, Pashtuns speak Pashto. However, from lingual perspective, the Balochs are divided into several lingual groups in Pakistan: Seraiki speaking Baloch, Sindhi Speaking Baloch, Balochi Speaking Baloch, Makrani Speaking Baloch and etc.

    In Balochistan, the Pashtuns are more educated and developed than the Baloch people. Overall, both populations have different socio-economic outlooks. Though, the Pashtuns have not asserted their presence on the landscape of Balochistan so far, however, the chances of their likely dominance are understandable to anyone interested in the affairs of the province.

    Up till now, the Pashtuns have proved to be tolerant towards other ethnicities in Balochistan. They have never resented for Baloch-dominated governance of the province. At the moment, the highest officials of the province, the Governor and the Chief Ministers, belong to the Baloch tribes. Interestingly, since the creation of the office of chief minister in Balochistan, only one Pashtun held the office only for one year. Currently, out of thirty eight ministries, thirteen are held by the Pashtuns. And these do not include key portfolios. Despite being comparatively ignored in political terms, the Pashtun people are happy and want to live in peace.

    Contrary to this, certain Baloch militant groups have manifested violent resentment to the Pashtun people. Time and again, the Baloch student federations have created mess at campuses particularly for demanding fixation of quota for the Pashtun students in all public sector universities and medical colleges in the province. Responding to this, the Pashtun student federations have stressed for open merit. On the issue of education, two decades ago, the relation between both ethnic groups saw a period of extreme stiffness when an agriculture university was shifted from Kalat to the Pashtun dominated Pishin.

    Decision was taken in the view of suitability of land for agriculture experiments and research. However, the move was withdrawn later. Even today, Pashtun belt has not a single public sector university to name despite the fact that the Pashtun students constitute the majority of university students in the province. Similarly, in business sector, the Pashtuns are restricted to conduct their activities in the areas where it is not possible for the Baloch people to bar them whereas the Baloch businessmen can carry on their businesses freely in Pashtun areas. Karachi-Quetta highway is the only road that passes through the Baloch areas and on which the Pashtun transporters can move. However, visiting Yousaf Goth bus stand in Karachi, one finds that not even a single Pashtun transport company exists to provide travel facilities from Karachi to Gawador. Likewise, whenever ships are unloaded at Gawador Port, one can feel the absence of Pashtun transport companies trucking goods across country.

    During last month, education minister of Balochistan was assassinated by a certain Baloch militant group. Though, the event went unnoticed, however the Pashtuns gravely felt the brutal disappearance of their leader at the hands of the Baloch militant group. Inaction aside, there exist a thinking among the Pashtuns of being targeted by the Balochs far unjust reasons. While the names of Pashtun parties suggest that they only breathe for Pashtuns on this planet,
    however, their leadership has been silent so far and has compromised the freedom and equality of Pashtuns.

    In certain aspects the Pashtun tolerance towards the Baloch response is a positive sign. However, the perennial compromise of the interests of Pashtun community may evolve into a volcano of rage and rack the already messy province. Therefore, the leadership of both communities should gauge the underpinnings of contemporary relations between the Pashtuns and the Balochs and should establish durable basis for lasting peace and harmony between them. Whoever supports anti-Pashtun attitude must bear in mind that the word Balochistan does not mean that Pashtuns deserve a secondary status in the province.

    By Akbar Mayo & Havena Aslam

    The Writers are students of LLM at University of the Punjab

    http://www.pakspectator.com/pashtun-baloch-relations-in-balochistan/

  • Separate Pashtun Areas From Balochistan
    1 Votes

    By Malik Siraj Akbar

    Like the Balochs, the Pashtuns also remained a victim of British policy of divide and rule when some of their districts were incorporated into what constitutes today the province of Balochistan following the Treaty of Gandmak in 1879.

    Ever since, the Pashutn population of Balochistan has not accepted Balochistan from the bottom of their heart as their home province. They have always demanded to be either integrated with the province of Khyber Pashtunkhawa or Afghanistan as a separate Pashtun unit. They demand the division of Balochistan. (See the title picture)

    This is a justified demand if the government agrees to re-demarcate provinces on ethno-linguistic lines in Pakistan in order to create more harmony in the federation.

    The Pashtun grievances are increasing day by day with their demands becoming more unreasonable with the passage of every day which indicates how difficult the coexistence of Baloch and Pashtun is turning out to become in the future. The Pashtunkhawa Milli Awami Party, the representative party of the Pashtuns living in Balochistan, has been continuously asking for “equal status” for the Pashtuns against the majority Baloch population. Irrespective of the fact as to how legitimate the Pashtun demands are, the Balochs believe such claims are unrealistic.

    Balochs are in majority in 22 districts of Balochistan while the number of Pashtun districts is hardly 8. Yet, the entire land area of all Pashtun districts remains smaller than than one Baloch District, Chagai. All natural resources such as gas (found in Dera Bugti District), petroleum (Kohlu), gold and copper (Chagai) and port (Gwadar), which give Balochistan the confidence to become economically independent and viable, are located in Baloch areas. Pashtun areas, on their part, do not contribute any such significant natural resource that makes Balochistan such an economically viberant place.

    Currently, it is no secret that both the nationalities blame each other for usurping each other’s rights and privileges. Such mistrust can only be removed by taking drastic measures to form new provinces in the country on the ethno-linguistic lines. The Baloch nationalists hailing from all divides of the political spectrum should call for the division of Balochistan, giving the Pashtuns the right to decide their fate. Pressure should be exerted on the Balochistan Assembly to pass a resolution demanding the separation of Pashtun areas from Balochistan. One cannot predict with certainty if Khyber Pashtunkhawa would be willing to incorporate the Pashtun districts of Balochistan due to their meager economic resources and huge population.

    From a Baloch perspective, the current integration of Pashtun areas with Balochistan goes to the complete disadvantage of the Balochs. While the Pashtun areas do not have any contribution in the oil, gas, gold and copper production of Balochistan, they keep asking for “equal rights” and “equal share” for whatever the province gets in terms of gas royalty and Gas Development Surcharge. It is utterly unreasonable to spend the Baloch revenue on the development of Pashtun areas, as is being demanded by Pashtunkhawa Milli Awami Party about the equal distribution of the provincial budget.

    Similarly, the government of Nawab Mohammad Aslam Raisani must not live under any illusion that the passage of Balochistan Package or the new NFC (National Finance Commission) is solely its achievement. The credit for a change in Islamabad’s mind goes to the Baloch armed fighters who have taken to the hills and compelled Islamabad to rethink its Balochistan strategy. If it was not for the activities of Baloch Sarmachars, Islamabad would never constitute parliamentary and constitutional committees to ponder over the crisis in Balochistan. After all, Mir Ghose Baksh Bizenjo, Sardar Attaullah Mengal and Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti were more competent leaders than Nawab Raisani but they failed, with their political struggle, to push Islamabad an inch backward from its stated position (of exploitation) vis-a-vis Balochistan.

    If Islamabad has finally agreed to give some jobs to the youth of the province under Aghaz-e-Haqooq-e-Balochistan, review the National Finance Commission (NFC) Award, grant more provincial autonomy under the 18th Amendment and accommodate Balochs in the federal institutions then it is also because of the sacrifices of the Baloch sons who revolted against the suppression of the federal government.

    Balochs have suffered immensely during the entire conflict and they have sacrificed their lives to get Balochistan its due rights. It is pathetic to see the fruits of Baloch struggle going to the other ethnic groups.The only towns that were bombarded during the military operation were the Baloch-populated areas while all the “missing persons” belonged to the Baloch families. Not a single non-Baloch received a minor injury in the military operations unleashed by Islamabad at least five times in the history of Pakistan.

    The Baloch leaders have to realize that their struggle will not bear fruits for the Balochs as long as the benefits of their struggle go to the non-Balochs. Worst still, the Pashtuns living in Balochistan, who do not have a single “missing person” from their ranks to indicate their contributions in the fight for the rights of Balochistan, keep holding the Balochs responsible for their plight without uttering a word about the safe heavens they provide to the Taliban in their areas.

    Afghan refugees came in millions in the aftermath of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 to create a major demographic imbalance between the majority Balochs and the Pashtuns. These refugees brought with them the scourge of drugs, weapons, lawlessness and religious radicalization. In spite of this, they enjoyed overwhelming support from Islamabad which saw Baloch nationalism as a major threat that needed to be countered from multiple fronts such as demographic changes and radicalization of the society. A thumping majority of these refugees were provided Pakistani nationality and the right to possess property to oust the Balochs from businesses.

    Once the Pashtun districts are separated from Balochistan then it can help both the nationalities to live happily as good neighbors. In politics, you cannot give your land and resources to the others for the reason that they are your ‘brothers’. You can live as brothers even without exploiting each other’s resources and interests.

    Unlike the Pashtuns, no Baloch political party has formally appealed for the separation of the Pashtun areas from Balochistan but we believe all the Baloch political parties should now prioritize this demand. The current composition of the province is unnatural which does not meet the interests of both, Balochs and Pashtuns.

    (This write-up originally appeared in The Baloch Hal, Balochistan’s first online English newspaper)

    http://gmcmissing.wordpress.com/2010/07/03/separate-pashtun-areas-from-balochistan/

  • Tuesday, June 1, 2010

    Balochistan or Baloch-Pashtun Province

    Balochistan, along with the Khyber Pakthunkwa are the victims of an imaginary line, called Durand Line, which was described by Hamid Karzai, the Afghan president as the “line of Evil”. In deed that line signifies both the British and Pakistani imperialism that have subjugated the Baloch and the Pashtuns.
    In 1893, the Afghan and British governments agreed to demark a 2,450-kilometer (1,519 miles) long border dividing British India and Afghanistan. The signatory of the document, known as The Durand Line Agreement, were Amir Abdur Rahman Khan, ruler of Afghanistan, and Sir Henry Mortimer Durand, the foreign secretary of the British Indian government. After a series of battles and false treaties signed by the British, ‘The Durand Line Agreement’ of 1893 divides boundaries between three sovereign countries, namely Afghanistan, Balochistan and British India. According to that agreement Britain had taken a lease of the area in N.W.F.P and Balochistan, without the knowledge of Balochistan. Sir Durand gave verbal assurance to Afghanistan that the lease will last until 1993, but in the written agreement there is no mention of it. Otherwise just like Hong Kong, N.W.F.P would have gone back to Afghanistan in 1993.
    The Durand Line Agreement should be a trilateral agreement and it legally required the participation and signatures of all three countries. However, the clever British drawn the agreement bilaterally between Afghanistan and British India only, and it intentionally excluded Balochistan. Thus, Balochistan has never accepted the validity of the Durand Line. The British, under false pretenses, assured the Afghan rulers that Balochistan was part of British India, and therefore, they were not required to have the consent of anyone from Balochistan to agree on demarking borders. Meanwhile, the British kept the Baloch rulers in the dark about the Durand Line Agreement to avoid any complications. According to International Law, all affected parties are required to agree to any changes in demarking their common borders. Hence, under the rules of demarking boundaries of the International Law, the Agreement of Durand Line was in error, and thus, it was null and void as soon as it was signed.
    Also, International Law states that boundary changes must be made among all concerned parties; and a unilateral declaration by one party has no effect. However, the British government disregarding the objection of Afghanistan gave away the N.W.F.P to Pakistan after a fraud plebiscite. However, it never gave Baluchistan to Pakistan in the same way the British never gave away Jammu & Kashmir to India.

    The Implications of Durand Line in Balochistan:
    The Durand line not only divided the Baloch and Afghan Countries but also creating confusions and differences between the people living in the Pakistan occupied Balochistan. Due to this Imaginary boundary which was never accepted by Baloch nation is today creating rifts among the Baloch and Pashtuns/Afghans.
    Baloch Nation is fighting a war of independence against Pakistani occupation, and Baloch should expect support of their Pashtun brothers who are for generation living side by side with the Baloch and millions of Afghans refugees were supported and accommodated in Balochistan after the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. The same Afghan Refugees illegally through bribery and support of Pakistani Authorities got the nationality of Pakistan and are now siding against Baloch Nation.
    In past few years one can observe the negative role Pashtuns of Balochistan against Baloch movement.

    Pashtun don’t let any chance of defaming Baloch Cause go unturned, just for instance we never find the Pashtuns protesting the massacre of Baloch political activists or Baloch women and children, but if in reaction to the murder of Baloch a Punjabi settler is killed, the Pashtun start a planned campaign to condemn the killing of a Punjabi, similarly the afghans are using the name of BLA to threat the Punjabi settlers in Balochistan in order to buy their property at a cheaper price. In this way not only the afghan are buying property in Quetta but also defaming Baloch nation for being barbarian and violent against civilians.
    Similarly we see the Pashtun leaders calling Balochistan as Baloch Pashtun province and showing their hatred towards Baloch nation by not even tolerating the name Balochistan, in the same way wherever the word Balochistan is used in a institute or something these racist Pashtuns try to ignore it or use any other word instead, just for example University of Balochistan is referred as Quetta University, whereas the official name of the institute is University of Balochistan.
    Mehmood Khan Achakzai in his interview claimed the right of Pashtuns over Quetta, Sibi and Bolan, ignoring the historical background and demographic realities. This is deliberate attempt to blackmail Baloch leadership at a time when Baloch are at war with Pakistan’s mighty army and intelligence agencies. Sibi was the capital of Mir Chakar Rind and winter capital of Kalat State, with majority population of Baloch.
    Pakistan occupied Balochistan is comprised of 30 district out of which only districts are Pashtun populated whereas 21 belong to Baloch, and still the Pashtuns claim to be in majority of the population of Balochistan.
    Each year on 14th of August Balochistan observe the day as Black day, even the Punjabi settlers do not raise Pakistani flags in Balochistan, but the Pashtuns intentionally challenge Baloch and raise Pakistani flags on their homes. Moreover recent statements and the planned attack on Baloch Students in University of Balochistan and Agriculture Collage, shows the real intentions of Pashtuns.
    Pashtuns of Balochistan are playing in the hands of Punjabis for protecting their interests and have their shares of the resources of Balochs.
    It’s the time for Balochs to realize the evil faces of Pashtuns and that they are not the well-wishers of Balochs, but taking advantage of the situation and exploiting the rights of Baloch people.

    http://balochistanwatch.blogspot.com/2010/06/balochistan-or-baloch-pashtun-province.html

  • The map you have published is highly objectionable.Quetta and Sibbi are historically and demographically Pashtun districts.Both of these districts were part of Afghanistan before 1878.Infact Quetta is a overwhelmingly pashtun city where even the punjabi settlers and the baloch have started to use pashto as a language to communicate in the markets.In Sibbi,majority of the tribes are pashtuns although some of them speak sindhi due to their proximity with sindh.even those tribes consider themselves ethnic pashtuns.A more accurate map is http://www.facebook.com/#!/photo.php?fbid=1573821556361&set=a.1010307548863.1682.1560220531&theater

  • جمعرات 24 فروری 2011

    بلوچوں پر زیادتیوں کی کھلی چھوٹ ہے: ایمنسٹی

    متاثرہ خاندان اور بلوچ تنظیمیں بلوچوں کے لاپتہ ہونے کا الزام سکیورٹی فورسز اور ایجنسیوں پر لگاتی ہیں

    انسانی حقوق کے عالمی ادارے ایمنسٹی انٹرنیشنل نے پاکستان کے صوبے بلوچستان میں انسانی حقوق کی صورتحال پر تشویش کا اظہار کرتے ہوئے کہا ہے کہ پچھلے چار ماہ کے دوران 90 بلوچ کارکن، اساتذہ، صحافی اور وکیل پراسرار طور پر لاپتہ ہوئے ہیں یا انہیں ماورائے عدالت قتل کیا گیا ہے اور بظاہر وہاں اس طرح کی زیادتیوں کی کھلی چھوٹ دی گئی ہے۔

    ادارے نے امریکہ سمیت پاکستان کے دوسرے غیر ملکی اتحادیوں سے کہا ہے کہ وہ اس بات کو یقینی بنائیں کہ پاکستان کو دی جانے والی ان کی فوجی امداد بلوچستان میں انسانی حقوق کی پامالی کے لیے استعمال نہ ہو۔

    ایمنسٹی انٹرنیشنل کا کہنا ہے کہ پچھلے سال اکتوبر سے اس سال فروری تک پراسرار طور پر لاپتہ ہونے والے افراد میں سے 65 فیصد کو تشدد کرکے ہلاک کیا گیا اور ان کی لاشیں پھینک دی گئیں۔

    ادارے نے حکومت پاکستان سے مطالبہ کیا ہے وہ ’بلوچستان میں سرکاری اداروں سے منسوب کیے جا رہے لوگوں کو لاپتہ اور ہلاک کرنے کے ان تشویشناک واقعات کے ذمہ داروں کا تعین کرے۔‘

    پچھلے سال 24 اکتوبر سے اس سال 20 فروری تک مجموعی طور پر 56 بلوچوں کو ماورائے عدالت قتل کیا گیا، 25 بلوچوں کے پراسرار طور پر لاپتہ ہونے کے کیسز رپورٹ ہوئے جن میں 65 فیصد کی بعد میں تشدد زدہ لاشیں برآمد ہوئیں۔ اسکے علاوہ 9 افراد ٹارگٹ کلنگ کے واقعات میں ہلاک ہوئے
    ایمنسٹی انٹرنیشنل
    بلوچستان کے بارے میں اپنی تازہ رپورٹ میں ایمنسٹی انٹرنیشنل نے کہا ہے کہ پچھلے سال 24 اکتوبر سے اس سال 20 فروری تک مجموعی طور پر 56 بلوچوں کو ماورائے عدالت قتل کیا گیا، 25 بلوچوں کے پراسرار طور پر لاپتہ ہونے کے کیسز رپورٹ ہوئے جن میں 65 فیصد کی بعد میں تشدد زدہ لاشیں برآمد ہوئیں۔ اسکے علاوہ 9 افراد ٹارگٹ کلنگ کے واقعات میں ہلاک ہوئے۔

    ادارے کا کہنا ہے کہ متاثرہ خاندان اور بلوچ تنظیمیں ان ’کِل اینڈ ڈمپ آپریشنز‘ کی ذمہ داری سیکیورٹی فورسز، خاص طور پر فرنٹیئر کور اور پاکستان کی خفیہ ایجنسیوں پر عائد کرتی ہیں۔

    ’عینی شاہدین کے مطابق کئی افراد کو تو فرنٹئر کور کے باوردی اہلکاروں نے لوگوں کے سامنے اغواء کیا جن کے ہمراہ سادہ کپڑوں میں ملبوس افراد تھے لیکن سیکیورٹی فورسز ان الزامات کی تردید کرتی ہیں اور ان کا دعوی ہے کہ یہ ہلاکتیں مسلح بلوچ گروہوں کی آپس کی لڑائیوں کا نتیجہ ہیں۔‘

    ایمنسٹی انٹرنیشنل کا کہنا ہے کہ بلوچستان میں انسانی حقوق کی پامالی کا یہ رجحان تشویشناک ہے۔

    ادارے کے مطابق بلوچستان میں انسانی بحران کو بڑی حد تک نظر انداز کیا گیا ہے حتی کہ پاکستان کے اندر بھی، لیکن وہاں ہزاروں افراد نہ صرف شدید محرومی بلکہ امتیازی سلوک کا شکار ہیں۔

    حکومت پاکستان اور بلوچ عوام کے درمیان اعتماد کی بحالی کے لیے ضروری ہے کہ ان واقعات کی قابل اعتبار تحقیقات کی جائیں اور اسکی بنیاد پر ملوث افراد کو انصاف کے کٹہرے میں لایا جائے
    سیم ظریفی
    ایمنسٹی انٹرنیشنل کے ایشیاء پیسیفک ریجن کے ڈائریکٹر سیم ظریفی کا کہنا ہے کہ پچھلے سال اکتوبر سے لوگوں کی پراسرار گمشدگیوں اور غیرقانونی ہلاکتوں کے واقعات میں ہر مہینے اضافہ دیکھنے میں آ رہا ہے اور ان کے بقول یہ زیادتیاں کھلی چھوٹ کے ساتھ کی جا رہی ہیں۔

    ایمنیسٹی انٹرنیشنل کے مطابق یہ اعدادوشمار اس نے بلوچ سول سوسائٹی گروپس اور قابل اعتبار میڈیا رپورٹس سے حاصل کیے ہیں اور وہ ان کی دوسرے ذرائع سے تصدیق نہیں کرسکی ہے لیکن اس سلسلے میں وہ پاکستانی حکومت کی طرف دیکھ رہی ہے کہ وہ ہر ایک واقعے کی معتبر، غیرجانبدار اور شفاف تحقیقات کرائے۔

    سیم ظریفی نے کہا ہے کہ ’حکومت پاکستان اور بلوچ عوام کے درمیان اعتماد کی بحالی کے لیے ضروری ہے کہ ان واقعات کی قابل اعتبار تحقیقات کی جائیں اور اسکی بنیاد پر ملوث افراد کو انصاف کے کٹہرے میں لایا جائے۔‘

    انسانی حقوق کے عالمی ادارے نے پاکستان کے غیرملکی اتحادیوں خاص طور پر امریکہ اور چین سے کہا ہے کہ وہ اس بات کو یقینی بنائیں کہ پاکستان کو دی جانے والی فوجی امداد بلوچستان میں انسانی حقوق کی خلاف ورزیوں کے لیے استعمال نہ ہو۔

    ایمنسٹی انٹرنیشنل نے مسلح بلوچ گروہوں سے بھی کہا ہے کہ وہ ایسے حملوں سے گریز کریں جن میں شہریوں کو نشانہ بنایا جائے یا ان کی زندگیاں خطرے میں پڑیں۔

    اسلام آباد میں بی بی سی کے نامہ نگار احمد رضا کے مطابق موجودہ حکومت جس کے اقتدار میں آنے پر بلوچ آزادی پسند مسلح گروہوں نے ہتھیار رکھنے کا اعلان کیا تھا، آغاز حقوق بلوچستان پیکج کا اعلان کرنے کے باوجود بلوچستان کے مسئلے کو سیاسی طور پر حل کرنے میں ناکام رہی ہے جس سے بلوچستان میں بدامنی اور بلوچ عوام میں مایوسی میں اضافہ ہوا ہے۔ تجزیہ کاروں کے مطابق حکومت کا یہ رویہ اختیارات پر گرفت میں اسکی کمزوری کو ظاہر کرتا ہے۔

    http://www.bbc.co.uk/urdu/pakistan/2011/02/110223_balochistan_amnesty_as.shtml

  • a new province named Pashtoonia must be created to address greviences of pashtoons living in Baloochistan

  • unity is strength and area matters to become strong and powerful federation.But trust should be restored among different units and good living standard for economically weak areas should be addressed by the federation.All strong people get their own benefits on the basis of poor people and have same motives all over the length and breadth of Pakistan.The nawabs,chaudharys,khans,wadeeras all are exploiting the common people for their benefits and greed.In the same way British did,the doctrine behind the whole scenario is alike.The Statusquo will remain the same after bloodshed and false racist/ethnic slogans.The exploitation of poor and common man will become worst due to them.The people in the region are innocent and will remain innocent.The division on ethnic basis is for the personal gains of strong people and history have proven that time and again.
    The Prophet Muhammad PBUH had changed the status quo by addressing that all human being are equal and that was the reason of success at that time.Even Americans and Britians had given equal right to all people in their countries after history of cruelity with black,red indians,africans,indians etc,they have flourished after that in leaps and bounds.
    We muslims are still proudly tell others that we are from the tribes who were given title of nawab,chaudhary,khan and sir 100 years ago by british empire slavery.This is not the past we feel proud off if not feel ashamed.
    The desperate people can easily be victim of influential people on ethnicity basis.The racist attitude towards eachother in one country shows divisions were infiltrated purposefully for few personal gains.The fate of people can never be changed if the whole cultural system inherited by us remain the same.This will end up in even smaller fragments of land more than hundred or so in future as strong families empirates.
    The menace of racism and lack of political will, decision making are the root causes.The planning should be wise and on the futuristic approach of welfare and equality without having any greed can solve problems within next 30 years time.We have lost 60 years and 30 years in good direction may revamp the bitter past which was based upon ethinicity/ greed/military or political.
    All nations go through bad phases and by adopting approach after reviewing history the answers are available easily.True leadership who is acceptable to all due to his character and vision can solve all problems.The leadership based upon ethinicity,sects,fmailies can only misguide this nation to further destruction.
    The time will come one day when all people of this nation start respecting eachother under one man who will not write with his name any caste,race and tribe.
    InshaAllah the almighty shall help us to rise and feed our people with all needs.

  • Baluch and Pashtun both live together with peace and hermony since hundreds of years. And both are from origen Afghan. If now is not posible for the bad politic situation and the war between Baluch and Pak army and Service Inteligence, beter for Pashtun ethnic divide the province in two, Balochistan and other call South Pashtunkwa including Sibi border line city with Balochistan.
    Pashtun represent around 45% in Baluchistan.