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Former ISI official challenges presidential immunity

ISLAMABAD: A former official of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) filed a petition in the Supreme Court challenging the constitutional presidential immunity against legal proceedings as un-Islamic and unconstitutional.

Khalid Khawaja, also a former air force official, filed the petition after a Supreme Court verdict that nullified an earlier legal amnesty given to politicians against pending criminal and corruption cases.

As a result of the Supreme Court declaring that amnesty as illegal, corruption and criminal cases against many including politicians have been re-opened. Among the beneficiaries of the amnesty is President Asif Ali Zardari who now claims constitutional immunity against legal proceedings which started before his election to the office of the president.

Khalid Khawaja in his petition argues that the presidential immunity is discriminatory as every citizen is equal before the law. Khawaja’s petition is yet to be formally entertained by the office of the Supreme Court which normally avoids entertaining petitions against provisions of the Constitution. — DawnNews.

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  • FORMER ISI OFFICIAL SHOULD PUT SOME ORDER IN HIS OWN HOUSE i.e. ISI.

    A GLIMPSE OF ROGUE AND VAGABOND PAKISTANI ESTABLISHMENT.

    “QUOTE”

    Hypocrisy and Intellectual Dishonesty of Jang Group of Newspapers/The News International/GEO TV, specifically their “Investigative Correspondents” e.g. Kamran Khan, Ansar Abbasi, Rauf Klasra and last but not least Shaheen Sehbai, knows no bound. One one hand their Editorial In the ring Thursday, August 27, 2009 states that,

    “The hand of the so-called ‘establishment’, that shadowy entity comprising the army, the bureaucracy and the agencies among other forces, has long been a part of politics in Pakistan. The coming and going of governments, the downfall of individuals and all kinds of other events are attributed to it. But today, we apparently find this powerful entity locked in what appears to be an internal dilemma. According to a report in this newspaper and rumours that drift across Islamabad’s leafy avenues, elements within the establishment are engaged in an all-out effort to discredit Nawaz Sharif, a man whose political career is said to have begun with the support of the same lobby. The purpose appears to be to save former president Musharraf from trial – and possibly by exposing or threatening to expose misdeeds from the past – pressurising Sharif to abandon the strident position he has taken on the issue. It has been alleged that key figures have attempted to use the media to advance their stance and that a Karachi-based political party is also being used for the same purpose. In the ring Thursday, August 27, 2009 http://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=195108

    Whereas the same Jang Group of Newspapers relay/file these stories in their very NEWS Channel i.e. GEO TV and Newspapers i.e. Daily Jang and The News International that,

    KARACHI: According to the sworn undertaking of ISI’s former chief Lieutenant General (rtd) Asad Durrani, which he took before Supreme Court (SC) on July 24, 1994, that he was instructed in September 1990 by the then Chief of Army Staff (COAS), the former General Mirza Aslam Baig for provision of Logistic Support to embezzle money donated for election preparations from some Karachi traders and use the same donation money for Islami Jamhuri Ittehad (IJI) party. Asad Durrani was told that the instructions to misappropriate donation money were backed by the then government of Pakistan, according to his affidavit statement before SC. Subsequently, in pursuit of the instructions he received, he was forced to open some fake bank accounts in Karachi, Quetta and Rawalpindi while one donator from Karachi, by the name Younis Habib, deposited as much as 140 million rupees and the money from all accounts were transferred to other places according to the need for extension of logistic support to IJI party while the remaining money was transferred to a special fund, his sworn statement added. SOURCE/REFERENCE: Chief politicians embezzle donation money in Ishaq era Updated at: 0100 PST, Thursday, August 27, 2009 Thursday, August 27, 2009, Ramadan-ul-Mubarak 05, 1430 A.H ISSN 1563-9479 http://www.thenews.com.pk/updates.asp?id=85837 Chief politicians embezzle donation money in Ishaq era Updated at: 0137 PST, Thursday, August 27, 2009 http://www.geo.tv/8-27-2009/48287.htm

    His statement further added, Rs10 million were given to Mir Afzal in NWFP province, Rs3.5 million to Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif in Punjab, Rs5.6 million to Lieutenant General (rtd) Rafaqat for advertisement on media, Rs5 million to Jamat-e-Islami, Rs1 million to Begum Abida Hussain, Rs0.5 million to Altaf Hussain Qureshi and Mustafa Sadiq, Rs3.3 million to small groups, Rs5 million to Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi in Sindh, Rs5 million to Jam Sadiq, Rs2.5 million to Muhammad Khan Junejo, Rs2 million to Pir Pagara, Rs0.3 million to Molana Salahuddin, Rs5.4 million to small parties, Rs1.5 million to Humayun Muree, the son-in-law of Bugti, Rs4 million to Jamali, Rs1 million to Kakar, Rs0.7 million to Jam Yousuf, Rs0.5 million Bazinjo and Rs1 million were given to Nadir Mengal. It is pertinent to mention that the value in rupees of 12 grams of gold was Rs33 at the time when money was misappropriated while it stands at Rs29,000 today. SOURCE/REFERENCE: Chief politicians embezzle donation money in Ishaq era Updated at: 0100 PST, Thursday, August 27, 2009 Thursday, August 27, 2009, Ramadan-ul-Mubarak 05, 1430 A.H ISSN 1563-9479 http://www.thenews.com.pk/updates.asp?id=85837 Chief politicians embezzle donation money in Ishaq era Updated at: 0137 PST, Thursday, August 27, 2009 http://www.geo.tv/8-27-2009/48287.htm

    On 26 Aug 2009, GEO TV host Kamran Khan tried to mutilate and exploit certain events related with Mehran Bank Scandal by inviting former Chief Justice of Pakistan, Mr Justice Saeed-uz-zaman Siddiqui [Another Cheat we have in the name of Ex Chief Justice of Supreme Court] to have his opinion on Mehran Bank Scandal Aaj Kamran Khan Kay Saath 26th August 2009 [Gen Asif Nawaz Brother Shuja Nawaz] BY NEWSADMIN AT 26 AUGUST, 2009, 1:29 PM http://thecurrentaffairs.com/aaj-kamran-khan-kay-saath-26th-august-2009-gen-asif-nawaz-brother-shuja-nawaz.html

    WHAT THE PUBLIC DONT KNOW ABOUT THE FORMER CHIEF JUSTICE (R) SAEED UZ ZAMAN SIDDIQUI

    “QUOTE”

    In 1993, justice Sajjad A. Shah gave the lone dissenting opinion when Supreme Court restored Sharif government by a majority decision. Two judges; Muhammad Rafiq Tarar and Saeeduzzaman Siddiqi asked chief justice Nasim Hasan Shah to take disciplinary action against Sajjad A. Shah for the language he used in his dissenting note. Chief justice didn?t take any action against Sajjad A. Shah but it caused a permanent rift. Supreme Court takes recess during summer vacations and if chief justice is out of country during recess it is not necessary to appoint an acting chief justice. In the summer of 1997, chief justice Sajjad A. Shah proceeded to an overseas trip. Incidentally second senior most justice Ajmal Mian was also abroad. Justice Saeeduzaman Siddiqi was in Islamabad when he was told that chief justice had left the country. He adjourned the proceedings, consulted lawyers and then called all supreme court registries to stop working. He declared that there was a constitutional crisis since no acting chief justice was appointed. He sent a letter to the federal government advising it to issue notification for appointment of acting chief justice. As he was the next senior judge, he was appointed acting chief justice. This caused a lot of bad blood between Saeeduzaman Siddiqi and Sajjad A. Shah and on his return Sajjad A. Shah conveyed his disapproval in writing. Reference: Judicial Jitters in Pakistan ? A Historical Overview Hamid Hussain Defence Journal, June 2007. http://watandost.blogspot.com/2007/05/judicial-jitters-in-pakistan-scholarly.html Alleged Trial of General Pervez Musharraf! http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2009/07/alleged-trial-of-general-pervez.html

    December 01, 1997 was the darkest day in the history of Pakistan?s judiciary. Two orders were issued for the constitution of benches; one by chief justice Sajjad A. Shah heading a five member bench for hearing the cases while the other by justice Saeeduzzaman Siddiqi heading a fifteen member bench to decide about the fate of Sajjad A. Shah. On December 02, two parallel courts were set up inside supreme court. Reference: Judicial Jitters in Pakistan ? A Historical Overview Hamid Hussain Defence Journal, June 2007. http://watandost.blogspot.com/2007/05/judicial-jitters-in-pakistan-scholarly.html Alleged Trial of General Pervez Musharraf! http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2009/07/alleged-trial-of-general-pervez.html

    President Muhammad Rafiq Tarar had the audacity to meet chief justice Ajmal Mian in his chamber at Supreme Court and ask him not to appoint Justice Falak Sher as acting chief justice of Lahore high court as government did not like him. Chief justice declined but government went ahead and nominated a junior justice Allah Nawaz as acting chief justice. Reference: Judicial Jitters in Pakistan ? A Historical Overview Hamid Hussain Defence Journal, June 2007. http://watandost.blogspot.com/2007/05/judicial-jitters-in-pakistan-scholarly.html Alleged Trial of General Pervez Musharraf! http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2009/07/alleged-trial-of-general-pervez.html

    “UNQUOTE”

    WHAT KAMRAN KHAN DIDN’T TELL IS AS UNDER FROM THE SAME SCANDAL!

    “QUOTE”

    We never learn from history By Ardeshir Cowasjee dated 21 July 2002 Sunday 10 Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1423 http://www.dawn.com/weekly/cowas/20020721.htm

    In September of 1994 Kamran Khan of The News and The Washington Post came calling. He told me how earlier that year he had asked for an appointment with the then leader of the opposition, Nawaz Sharif, to interview him on his relationship with the army and the security services whilst he was prime minister. He was asked to go to Lahore and meet the Mian. When on May 16 Kamran arrived at Nawaz’s Model Town house, there was an army of men equipped with bulldozers demolishing the security fences and structures Nawaz had built on adjoining land, not his to build upon (akin to those built around Karachi’s Bilawal House). The breakers had been on the job since dawn. Kamran found Nawaz angry but composed. He was amply plied and refreshed with ‘badaam-doodh’ and Nawaz, his information wizard Mushahid Hussain and he settled down to talk and continued to do so until late afternoon when Kamran left to fly back to Karachi. REFERENCE: We never learn from history By Ardeshir Cowasjee dated 21 July 2002 Sunday 10 Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1423 http://www.dawn.com/weekly/cowas/20020721.htm

    Nawaz opened up by congratulating Kamran on his Mehrangate exposures which had recently appeared in the press, asking how the inquiry was progressing, and giving his own views. They exchanged information, each believing the other was being informed. They talked about how COAS Aslam Beg (sporter of shades in the shade) managed to get Rs 14 crore (140 million) from Yunis Habib, then of Habib Bank. This was deposited in the ‘Survey Section 202’ account of Military Intelligence (then headed by Major-General Javed Ashraf Kazi). From there Rs 6 crore was paid to President Ghulam Ishaq Khan’s election cellmates (General Rafaqat, Roedad Khan, Ijlal Hyder Zaidi, etc.), and Rs 8 crore transferred to the ISI account. After lunch, Nawaz brought up the subject of how Aslam Beg early in 1991 had sought a meeting with him (then prime minister) to which he brought Major-General Asad Durrani, chief of the ISI. They told him that funds for vital on-going covert operations (not identified by Nawaz) were drying up, how they had a foolproof plan to generate money by dealing in drugs. They asked for his permission to associate themselves with the drug trade, assuring him of full secrecy and no chance of any trail leading back to them. REFERENCE: We never learn from history By Ardeshir Cowasjee dated 21 July 2002 Sunday 10 Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1423 http://www.dawn.com/weekly/cowas/20020721.htm

    General (R) Mirza Aslam Beg – Former Chief of the Army Staff of Pakistan Army

    Nawaz remarked that on hearing this he felt the roof had caved in on him. He told them he could have nothing to do with such a plan and refused to give his approval. The Washington Post had just broken Kamran’s story and when I asked why it had not broken earlier, he told me how they check and recheck, and that in the meantime, he had been busy with the Mehrangate affair on which, between May and August, he had filed seven stories. We must again ask: was Nawaz capable of saying what he did? Yes. Did Kamran invent the whole thing? Not likely. Is The Washington Post a responsible paper with credibility? Yes. Everybody who is anyone in Washington reads it over breakfast. Has it ever made mistakes? Yes. What is so earth-shattering about using drugs to make money? Drugs have been trafficked and used for covert operations for ages, by warlords, statesmen, chieftans and generals, used to gain territory, to buy or to harm the enemy. Remember how the staid Victorians of the British empire used opium to China’s detriment. Remember the Americans and how they traded drugs in Vietnam, and the Iran-Contra affair. Can we believe Aslam Beg? Judging by his behaviour and record, no. Are we expected to believe Asad Durrani, a clever professional spook? Of course not. REFERENCE: We never learn from history By Ardeshir Cowasjee dated 21 July 2002 Sunday 10 Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1423 http://www.dawn.com/weekly/cowas/20020721.htm

    Lt Gen (R) Hamid Gul. [Former Chief of ISI & MI]

    Lt Gen (R) Asad Durrani. [Former Chief of ISI & MI]

    Lt (R) Gen Javed Nasir. [Former Chief of ISI]

    Lt (R) Javed Ashraf Qazi. [Former Chief of ISI & MI]

    Have all our generals been upright men and played it right? Of course, yes. Otherwise would they have ended up the way they did? Ziaul Haq? Governor, rich General Fazle Haq? How about dubious politician, rich General Aslam Beg, Lt General Javed Ashraf Kazi first chief of the MI and then of the ISI, Nawaz’s ISI chief, General Javed Nasir, sacked by General Waheed Kakar, General Asad Durrani of MI and ISI fame, summarily sacked by General Kakar, rewarded and re-employed by Benazir as her ambassador in Bonn, and dangerous politician, the firebrand fundo General Hamid Gul. How did Ejazul Haq, son of the pious General Ziaul Haq, and Humayun Akhtar Rahman, son of the powerful General Akhtar Abdul Rahman, become tycoons overnight? The story related above was printed in Dawn in my column of September 23 1994, and was never repudiated by any of the honourable gentlemen mentioned. Kamran Khan is still writing and when Nawaz Sharif returned as prime minister in 1997, Kamran was awarded the presidential Pride of Performance medal for journalism which was pinned upon his chest by none other than Rafiq Tarar, former justice of the Supreme Court and then head of state. REFERENCE: We never learn from history By Ardeshir Cowasjee dated 21 July 2002 Sunday 10 Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1423 http://www.dawn.com/weekly/cowas/20020721.htm

    “UNQUOTE”

  • ROGUE PAKISTANI ESTABLISHMENT.

    “QUOTE”

    NOTE: On August 9, 1990, another one of the country’s short-lived experiments with democracy came to an end. While “The Empire Strikes Back” published in the August 1990 issue of the Herald describes the events that took place on the day of Benazir Bhutto’s ouster, “The Invisible War (See Herald Monthly Issue of January 2008, page 87), printed in the same issue, provides an analysis of the factors that led to the sacking of her government. [Courtesy Monthly Herald Pakistan January 2008, page 84-85-86]

    The Invisible War by Abbas Nasir [Monthly Herald January 2008]

    Was there a covert war raging between a sophisticated intelligence agency and the PPP government? And did the crisis in the Gulf have anything to do with Ms Bhutto’s ouster from office? After the dust begins to settle over the dissolution of the assemblies, it becomes clear that Benazir Bhutto’s ouster was directly linked to the fact that the army’s patience with her government had run out. Differences between the two had fuelled much media speculations for the entire duration of the PPP’s 20 month tenure. Issues as diverse as Sindh, Kashmir, postings, corruption, and Afghanistan had caused much tension between the ruling party and the military establishment. But the differences were more deep-rooted than a mere disagreement on some issues. It was clear, from the very outset, that the army had very reluctantly allowed Ms Bhutto to take office, and motivated every move and mistake she made during her 20 – Month Rule.

    General Retd. Mirza Aslam Beg – The distrust between the Prime Minister and the army has never been too far below the surface and dates back to the period when Ms Bhutto’s father, the executed Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was in power. According to one analyst, “The defence establishment would have never allowed Benazir to come to power, had it not been for the pressure exerted by the US. Reluctantly, the army bowed to this pressure – probably because Washington controlled its purse strings” The attitude of the military towards the PPP and its leader was clearly evident during the run-up to the elections in 1988. One unreported incident from that period perfectly reflects this deep distrust. Knowledgeable sources maintain that a high official of the intelligence set-up came to Karachi just before polls, and convened a meeting of all the candidates contesting from the Lyari constituency, where Ms Bhutto was a candidate. “We can beat her if all of you agree to withdraw and put-up a single candidate against her, “he was quoted as suggesting to them. But such was the foresight of this hotshot that not only did most of the candidates not agree to withdraw, but the PPP leader subsequently won from the area with a margin of votes that six times that of the votes won by all her opponents put together. Another official of the same agency has been credited with the formation of IJI and sources say, he was largely responsible for masterminding the anti-PPP campaign in Punjab, which was to work with devastating effect both before and after elections.

    Lt General Retd Hamid Gul – However, on coming to power, Ms Bhutto secured one of the few concessions from the military establishment when she successfully pushed for the removal from the Inter Services Intelligence Directorate of its then Director General Major General Hamid Gul and his Assistant Director General (Internal Security) Brigadier Imtiaz Ahmad. But the removal of Hamid Gul had sting in its tail. Ms Bhutto was not chastened by the fact that the military had forced her to allow the promotion of the ISI strongman, or his posting to the strategically important corps in Multan. Following the appointment as DG of a Benazir nominee, Lt. General (Retd) Shamsur Rehman Kallue, the powers of the Political Cell of the ISI, working in the guise of the Internal Security (IS), were drastically curtailed. However a serving Major General, Khalid Latif Mughal was posted to run the Afghanistan and Kashmir policies. Mughal, formally, and Hamid Gul informally, continued to have a major say in both these spheres. While the Prime Minister was willing, perhaps, to allow the army a free hand in handling the Afghanistan and Kashmir policies as a price to keep herself in power, her government appeared to have relaxed because the army’s earlier meddling in domestic politics through the ISI had been curtailed. But a couple of transfers and postings were hardly enough to ensure a pliant military high command. And a determined army was hardly something that the inept Benazir Administration could tame quite easily. Although the political cell at the ISI was closed down, the army launched a two-pronged offensive primarily through the media, which to the credit of the PPP government, remained free all through the party’s short, but eventful, tenure in office.

    Lt General Retd. Asad Durrani – While on one hand, Brigadier Riazullah, an articulate and charming officer, moved into the barracks outside the GHQ which houses the Inter Services Public Relations Directorate, another officer, known for his competence and pleasant demeanor, occupied an office inside the walls of the GHQ. This was the Director General of the Military Intelligence, Major General Asad Durrani. Brigadier Riazullah’s task was to execute General Aslam Beg’s policy of “glasnost” – to wash from the minds of the public, through the media, the negative image of the armed forces had acquired, following the more than a decade long period of Martial Law. The new face of the army was much in evidence when it launched its biggest ever maneuvers – Zarb-e-Momin – in the winter of 1989-90. As a result of an unprecedented media blitz, the “professional soldier” image that the army was beaming out began to sink into public mind slowly but, surely.

    Brig (Retd) Imtiaz – Side by side with the rehabilitation of its image, the army (with ammunition provided by the antics of the PPP government itself) set about destroying the populist aura of the PPP and succeeded in making corruption the most talked about subject in the country. The army was aided in this endeavor, of course, by the blundering Johnny-come- latelies who came to represent the public face of the PPP. It is clear that a great deal of homework was done, in gathering as well as fabricating evidence against prominent PPP members and the Prime Minister’s husband. Mush of this information and disinformation was handed over mainly to the right-wing journalists belonging to some key papers and periodicals, who saw themselves as the natural allies of the army, having enjoyed close ties with the Zia Regime. At least three people were assigned to feed corruption stories to the foreign media. The DG, MI also adopted an increasingly high-profile role. Although traditionally the DG, MI is hardly someone, given the sensitivity of his assignment, to come before newsmen, the balding Durrani is understood to have personally briefed more than one journalist about the lack of sincerity on the part of the PPP in handling the Sindh situation. This same officer reportedly maintained contact with dissident PPP members of parliament and dictated strategy to them. Similarly, in Karachi, where the MI had grown to many hundreds-strong since the early 80s, Brigadier Jamil and a couple of other officers personally briefed a select band of newsmen time and again, offering them “evidence” of corrupt and criminal activities of the government. While in Hyderabad these stories were leaked by a Colonel Ayub, in Lahore the main channel of contact with the media was a top aide to fromer Chief Minister, Nawaz Sharif, who coordinated closely with a group of Pro-Estbalishment Right Wing Journalists planted in different papers and periodicals.

    Masood Sharif Khan Khattak (Former Director General Intelligence Bureau – Pakistan) – And this was not all. There was something more deep-rooted going on, as an interview with at least one Corps Commander revealed. The gentleman insisted on blaming a PPP minister for planting stories against him although this was not the case as independent investigations subsequently revealed. To this day, however, it is not clear who was briefing the Corps Commander on the “enemy-like” attitude of PPP ministers. The urgency of the army’s desire to see Benazir removed is clear from an article by a journalist, reputed to have very close ties with the army bosses. The report, published soon after the fall of the Bhutto government, alleged that while Ms Bhutto was an opposition leader, her mail used to leave the country courtesy the diplomatic pouch of the Indian mission. The journalist proceeded, without naming sources, to question the patriotism of the elected prime minister. But despite this deep rooted prejudice, the army tolerated Benazir Bhutto for 20 months. What then was the catalyst to her being pushed out of the office in a “constitutional coup”? Knowledgeable quarters point towards two factors that may have served as the proverbial straw that broke the Camel’s back. The first of these was the Alam Jan Mehsud incident. Lt General Mahsud, the Corps Commander at Lahore enjoyed the reputation of being a top class professional soldier. His excellent strategy during the course of Zarb-e-Momin, defence experts say, earned him the reputation of “Pakistan’s Rommel”. The Prime Minister reportedly conveyed her desire to the GHQ to grant Mahsud an extension, and post him as the Deputy Chief of Army Staff – an act that military establishment viewed as direct interference in the army affairs.

    Ghulam Ishaq Khan (Former President of Pakistan) What they suspected was that Ms. Bhutto was placing a well known dove in a strategic position as a potential successor to the present COAS. The army’s response was swift. A replacement, Lt General Ashraf, was rushed to Lahore and, the day after, Mahsud’s photograph was carried by various newspapers, receiving the Corps Shield as a farewell gift. Within days, Mahsud had left for a month long holiday to the tribal areas Waziristan, to spend time in his home village. Knowledgeable quarters say it was in the wake of the Mahsud incident, that a Corps Commander tried to convey to the government that the army was planning to move against it. He reportedly said that the military leadership complained to the President that Ms Bhutto was attempting to foment “divisions” in the rank of the army. The army, which has prided itself on its discipline and the unity in its ranks even during the imposition of Martial Law, couldn’t possibly be expected to tolerate what it perceived to be an attempt to divide it. The other important factor that could have acted as a catalyst was the tilt in the balance of relations between the Pakistan Army and the US administration. Ironically, Ms Bhutto has alwayslooked towards the US as a staunch ally. While it is true that the US administration had much to do with the restoration of democracy in Pakistan – as well as the nomination of Ms. Bhutto as prime minister after her party emerged as the largest single party in the elections – it is equally true her party emerged as the largest single party in the elections – it is equally true that the US strategic interest vis a vis Gulf, are far more crucial to it then romantic notions of third world democracy. Well informed sources in Islamabad say that on a number of occasions in the past, Washington had told the army that any attempt to brush aside democracy would be met with a stiff reaction, including a cut off in aid – particularly now that the Soviets had vacated Afghanistan. Given Pakistan’s tension with India, the defence establishment was hardly likely to jeopardize relations with its key hardware supplier.

    US Ambassador Robert Oakley – However, with Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait and the threat of an onward march into Saudi Arabia, the US apparently needed the support of the Pakistan Army. In fact, US Ambassador Robert Oakley told a meeting at the Institute of Strategic Studies in Islamabad, just two days after Benazir’s ouster, that Saudi Arabia had requested troops from Pakistan. Although the once again retained Foreign Minister Sahibzada Yaqub Khan, as well as an army spokesman, denied having received any such request, the US envoy has neither retracted nor clarified his earlier statement. Although there has been no report yet of Pakistani troops being sent to Saudi Arabia, eyewitnesses say that they recently saw at least a couple of giant US Air force transport (C-141) aircraft taking off from a Pakistan Air Force Base. To further confirm American acquiescence in recent events in Pakistan, there was highly significant meeting between the three services chiefs, Bob Oakley and the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee Chairman of the latter’s headquarters in Chaklala, Rawalpindi. This meeting took place on the weekend preceding the dissolution of the assemblies. In it, sources say, the issue was discussed threadbare, after which admiral Sirohey quietly left for Multan on a routine inspection tour.

    The State Department’s quick reaction is hardly attributable to any efficiency at Foggy Bottom. It is clear that prior information was available to them – the denial to the contrary of a USIS official in Islamabad notwithstanding. One thing, however, is clear. The haze of disinformation is still as thick as any fog. But keeping in view the well-oiled machinery that the army has at its disposal, its main political rival, the PPP appears to have been knocked out and has little chance of staging a quick or easy comeback. But whether the army comes out in the open or prefers operate through remote control, only the course of events in the next few months will tell. [Courtesy Monthly Herald Pakistan January 2008, page 87-88-89]

    The Empire Strikes Back by Abbas Nasir [Monthly Herald January 2008]

    August 6, 1655 hours… a group of army officers-whose men have already thrown a ring around the Prime Minister’s Secretariat – enter the multistory white building and advise all the staff to leave and not to return until further orders…

    A similar scene is being enacted at most other key buildings and installations in Islamabad as battle ready troops jump out of their gun-mounted trucks to surround the radio and television stations, the Directorate of Intelligence Bureau, the Federal Investigation Agency, important ministries and, of course, the erstwhile Sindh House – the official residence of the Prime Minister of Pakistan.

    Jawans and officers of the FF Regiment, and contingents from a battalion of the Special Services Group take up positions near the parliament building as the president prepares to address a press conference that has just been announced. The high-profile army presence in the Federal Capital leaves a little doubt in any mind that President Ghulam Ishaq Khan’s announcement has the solid backing of the country’s powerful defence forces..

    By this time, everybody in Islamabad, with the exception, perhaps, of the Pakistan’s People’s Party government has a fair idea of what is happening. The turbulent 20-month honeymoon between PPP and the establishment is all but over. A little after five, the President administers the last rites at a press conference at the Aiwan-e-Sadr. The Empire – which allowed the PPP to take office following polls in November 1988 – has finally decided to strike back.

    After reading from a lengthy charge sheet, President Ishaq quotes a number of constitutional clauses and then announces the dissolution of the national assembly and the dismissal of Benazir Bhutto’s government. Unlike the speech of the late General Ziaul Haq on May 29 1988 – in which he announced the dismissal of Junejo’s Government – Ishaq steps doesn’t surprise anyone. The action comes on the heels of a multitude of corruption scandals, the government’s abject failure in arresting the Sindh situation, reports of serious differences with the army, as well as acrimonious confrontation between the Centre and the Provinces of Punjab and Balochistan.

    Shortly afterwards, the nominated Caretaker Prime Minister Ghulam Mustaf Jatoi takes oath of office, fulfilling a long-standing ambition, and four ministers are sworn in simultaneously. There are two surprise inclusions in the cabinet – Rafi Raza, a man known in the past primarily as an aide to Zoulfikar Ali Bhutto, and for his strong US Connections. Raza has returned following a long absence in the political wilderness. The second surprise is the inclusion of the controversial Ghulam Mustafa Khar, on whom the establishment is reported to have a stack of files as high as the Margalla Hills.

    The two other ministers – Illahi Bux Soomro, who was a minister in the Martial Law period but was pushed out into the cold after having lost in the 1988 elections, Senator Sartaj Aziz, also a minister in the Zia period – are both known Zia loyalists.

    Meanwhile, the Chief of Army Staff, General Mirza Aslam Beg, comes out with the quote of the moment when mobbed by journalists following the oath taking ceremony. “We are not involved in politics. We have never been involved in politics. We will never be involved in politics.”

    Within a matter of hours, Sindh Governor Fakhruddin G. Ebrahim refuses Ishaq’s request to dissolve the provincial assembly and is replaced by Mahmoud A. Haroon , former interior minister in General Zia’s Martial Law government, who then signs the dissolution order. Jam Sadiq Ali, until days earlier a staunch Benazir Bhutto supporter, is sworn in as caretaker chief minister of the troubled province.

    Frontier Governor, Amir Gulistan Janjua, meanwhile sends the Sherpao government and the legislature packing, and Mir Afzal Khan, an industrial tycoon and a former Z.A. Bhutto government minister, takes over as the caretaker chief executive.

    For the opposition-led provincial governments, a more dignified and, perhaps cosmetic exit if facilitated. In the Punjab, Mian Nawaz Sharif is not sacked and give time to advise dissolution to the new governor, Mian Muhammad Azhar, the Lahore mayor and a close relative of the Punjab strongman himself, who replaces General (Retired) Tikka Khan. Meanwhile a close associate of Nawaz Sharif, Ghulam Haider Wyne, takes oath of office as caretaker Chief Minister of the most populous province of the country. Mir Humayun Khan Marri, the son-in-law of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti replaces him as Chief Minister after the latter sends advice to the Governor, General (Retired) Muhammad Musa, to dissolve the Balochistan assembly.

    Meanwhile, in the Federal Capital itself, correspondents who rush to file their dispatches, find all telex, fax and international dialing lines out of order. The lines are not restored till 2230 hours. In effect, Islamabad is cut off from the rest of the world until the new order is safely put into place. Benazir Bhutto gives her reaction at a press conference at 1930 hours. She says she has been ousted in a “Constitutional Coup”, but informs journalist that President Ishaq’s hand was forced. Asked who forced the president to dismiss her government, she responds, “I leave that to your imagination.” After the press conference, a PTV crew that has covered the vent, hands over the video to an army officer at the gate of Sindh House.

    Inside Sindh House itself, the STD lines are cut off and restored about seven times and the T&T authorities inform an aide to Ms. Bhutto that they are only following orders. As the just-ousted Prime Minister sits down to dinner, some party people, mainly former ministers, drop in. She picks up the phone, tells her ADC to send in more food, then laughs at his response and puts the phone down. Benazir Bhutto turns round and apologizes to her guests for not being able to lay out a proper dinner for them. The kitchen staff – as well as the crockery – have been summoned out of Sindh House. Even the next day, lunch is eaten out of boxes ordered from a caterer.

    While the troops clear out of Sindh House and the TV and Radio Stations the next morning, the PM Secretariat, as well as the DIB and FIA offices are visited by a steady stream of army men – some in plainclothes – for several more days. Hundreds of files are taken away from the premises, no doubt to reappear as a damning indictment of the fallen government. Meanwhile, Major (Retd.) Masud Sharif, the Joint Director of the IB, and later, six of his staffers, are reportedly arrested and taken to an unknown destination for interrogation.

    Two days after his nomination as Caretaker Prime Minister, Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi addresses a press conference and lays a great deal of emphasis on the accountability of the previous government. The forthcoming elections, that are barely 77 days away, are played down somewhat, fuelling much speculation and reviving bitter memories of the past. The same day, in Karachi, Benazir Bhutto finally explodes at a press conference and charges that the Military Intelligence (MI) was responsible for her ouster. She goes to the extent of alleging that the draft of the President’s speech was prepared by the JAG (Judge Advocate General) branch of the Pakistan Army at the GHQ.

    Either naively, or reflecting her own political compulsions, she absolves the Chief of Army Staff and the Corps Commanders of any blame, thus distancing them from the MI and JAG Branch, and perhaps leaving the door ajar for any future compromises.

    Those in control now also seem to be in a hurry to acquire more and more bargaining chips. Significantly half a dozen persons reputed to be very close to Asif Zardari, are picked up in pre-dawn raids. As their interrogation begins, there are reports of deals and offer of immunity from prosecution. Events take a mysterious turn, as Begum Nusrat Bhutto leaves the country in a departure that is still unexplained. In the wake of the ouster of Benazir, numerous theories are being floated in the Federal Capital, with conspiracy theorists in hot demand. From deals between the PPP and the army, culminating in the exit of the Bhuttos from the Pakistani political scene, to a grand design by the army to completely discredit civilian politicians through appointments like those of caretaker set-up – all kinds of scenarios are being discussed and debated in Islamabad. Democracy in Pakistan, it is clear, has entered a critical new phase.

    “UNQUOTE”

  • A GLIMPSE OF ROGUE AND VAGABOND PAKISTANI ESTABLISHMENT.

    “QUOTE”
    Hypocrisy and Intellectual Dishonesty of Jang Group of Newspapers/The News International/GEO TV, specifically their “Investigative Correspondents” e.g. Kamran Khan, Ansar Abbasi, Rauf Klasra and last but not least Shaheen Sehbai, knows no bound. One one hand their Editorial In the ring Thursday, August 27, 2009 states that,

    “The hand of the so-called ‘establishment’, that shadowy entity comprising the army, the bureaucracy and the agencies among other forces, has long been a part of politics in Pakistan. The coming and going of governments, the downfall of individuals and all kinds of other events are attributed to it. But today, we apparently find this powerful entity locked in what appears to be an internal dilemma. According to a report in this newspaper and rumours that drift across Islamabad’s leafy avenues, elements within the establishment are engaged in an all-out effort to discredit Nawaz Sharif, a man whose political career is said to have begun with the support of the same lobby. The purpose appears to be to save former president Musharraf from trial – and possibly by exposing or threatening to expose misdeeds from the past – pressurising Sharif to abandon the strident position he has taken on the issue. It has been alleged that key figures have attempted to use the media to advance their stance and that a Karachi-based political party is also being used for the same purpose. In the ring Thursday, August 27, 2009

    Whereas the same Jang Group of Newspapers relay/file these stories in their very NEWS Channel i.e. GEO TV and Newspapers i.e. Daily Jang and The News International that,

    KARACHI: According to the sworn undertaking of ISI’s former chief Lieutenant General (rtd) Asad Durrani, which he took before Supreme Court (SC) on July 24, 1994, that he was instructed in September 1990 by the then Chief of Army Staff (COAS), the former General Mirza Aslam Baig for provision of Logistic Support to embezzle money donated for election preparations from some Karachi traders and use the same donation money for Islami Jamhuri Ittehad (IJI) party. Asad Durrani was told that the instructions to misappropriate donation money were backed by the then government of Pakistan, according to his affidavit statement before SC. Subsequently, in pursuit of the instructions he received, he was forced to open some fake bank accounts in Karachi, Quetta and Rawalpindi while one donator from Karachi, by the name Younis Habib, deposited as much as 140 million rupees and the money from all accounts were transferred to other places according to the need for extension of logistic support to IJI party while the remaining money was transferred to a special fund, his sworn statement added. SOURCE/REFERENCE: Chief politicians embezzle donation money in Ishaq era Updated at: 0100 PST, Thursday, August 27, 2009 Thursday, August 27, 2009, Ramadan-ul-Mubarak 05, 1430 A.H ISSN 1563-9479 Chief politicians embezzle donation money in Ishaq era Updated at: 0137 PST, Thursday, August 27, 2009

    His statement further added, Rs10 million were given to Mir Afzal in NWFP province, Rs3.5 million to Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif in Punjab, Rs5.6 million to Lieutenant General (rtd) Rafaqat for advertisement on media, Rs5 million to Jamat-e-Islami, Rs1 million to Begum Abida Hussain, Rs0.5 million to Altaf Hussain Qureshi and Mustafa Sadiq, Rs3.3 million to small groups, Rs5 million to Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi in Sindh, Rs5 million to Jam Sadiq, Rs2.5 million to Muhammad Khan Junejo, Rs2 million to Pir Pagara, Rs0.3 million to Molana Salahuddin, Rs5.4 million to small parties, Rs1.5 million to Humayun Muree, the son-in-law of Bugti, Rs4 million to Jamali, Rs1 million to Kakar, Rs0.7 million to Jam Yousuf, Rs0.5 million Bazinjo and Rs1 million were given to Nadir Mengal. It is pertinent to mention that the value in rupees of 12 grams of gold was Rs33 at the time when money was misappropriated while it stands at Rs29,000 today. SOURCE/REFERENCE: Chief politicians embezzle donation money in Ishaq era Updated at: 0100 PST, Thursday, August 27, 2009 Thursday, August 27, 2009, Ramadan-ul-Mubarak 05, 1430 Chief politicians embezzle donation money in Ishaq era Updated at: 0137 PST, Thursday, August 27, 2009

    On 26 Aug 2009, GEO TV host Kamran Khan tried to mutilate and exploit certain events related with Mehran Bank Scandal by inviting former Chief Justice of Pakistan, Mr Justice Saeed-uz-zaman Siddiqui [Another Cheat we have in the name of Ex Chief Justice of Supreme Court] to have his opinion on Mehran Bank Scandal Aaj Kamran Khan Kay Saath 26th August 2009 [Gen Asif Nawaz Brother Shuja Nawaz] BY NEWSADMIN AT 26 AUGUST, 2009, 1:29 PM

    WHAT THE PUBLIC DONT KNOW ABOUT THE FORMER CHIEF JUSTICE (R) SAEED UZ ZAMAN SIDDIQUI

    “QUOTE”

    In 1993, justice Sajjad A. Shah gave the lone dissenting opinion when Supreme Court restored Sharif government by a majority decision. Two judges; Muhammad Rafiq Tarar and Saeeduzzaman Siddiqi asked chief justice Nasim Hasan Shah to take disciplinary action against Sajjad A. Shah for the language he used in his dissenting note. Chief justice didn?t take any action against Sajjad A. Shah but it caused a permanent rift. Supreme Court takes recess during summer vacations and if chief justice is out of country during recess it is not necessary to appoint an acting chief justice. In the summer of 1997, chief justice Sajjad A. Shah proceeded to an overseas trip. Incidentally second senior most justice Ajmal Mian was also abroad. Justice Saeeduzaman Siddiqi was in Islamabad when he was told that chief justice had left the country. He adjourned the proceedings, consulted lawyers and then called all supreme court registries to stop working. He declared that there was a constitutional crisis since no acting chief justice was appointed. He sent a letter to the federal government advising it to issue notification for appointment of acting chief justice. As he was the next senior judge, he was appointed acting chief justice. This caused a lot of bad blood between Saeeduzaman Siddiqi and Sajjad A. Shah and on his return Sajjad A. Shah conveyed his disapproval in writing. Reference: Judicial Jitters in Pakistan ? A Historical Overview Hamid Hussain Defence Journal, June 2007.

    December 01, 1997 was the darkest day in the history of Pakistan?s judiciary. Two orders were issued for the constitution of benches; one by chief justice Sajjad A. Shah heading a five member bench for hearing the cases while the other by justice Saeeduzzaman Siddiqi heading a fifteen member bench to decide about the fate of Sajjad A. Shah. On December 02, two parallel courts were set up inside supreme court. Reference: Judicial Jitters in Pakistan ? A Historical Overview Hamid Hussain Defence Journal, June 2007.

    President Muhammad Rafiq Tarar had the audacity to meet chief justice Ajmal Mian in his chamber at Supreme Court and ask him not to appoint Justice Falak Sher as acting chief justice of Lahore high court as government did not like him. Chief justice declined but government went ahead and nominated a junior justice Allah Nawaz as acting chief justice. Reference: Judicial Jitters in Pakistan ? A Historical Overview Hamid Hussain Defence Journal, June 2007.

    “UNQUOTE”

    WHAT KAMRAN KHAN DIDN’T TELL IS AS UNDER FROM THE SAME SCANDAL!

    “QUOTE”

    We never learn from history By Ardeshir Cowasjee dated 21 July 2002 Sunday 10 Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1423

    In September of 1994 Kamran Khan of The News and The Washington Post came calling. He told me how earlier that year he had asked for an appointment with the then leader of the opposition, Nawaz Sharif, to interview him on his relationship with the army and the security services whilst he was prime minister. He was asked to go to Lahore and meet the Mian. When on May 16 Kamran arrived at Nawaz’s Model Town house, there was an army of men equipped with bulldozers demolishing the security fences and structures Nawaz had built on adjoining land, not his to build upon (akin to those built around Karachi’s Bilawal House). The breakers had been on the job since dawn. Kamran found Nawaz angry but composed. He was amply plied and refreshed with ‘badaam-doodh’ and Nawaz, his information wizard Mushahid Hussain and he settled down to talk and continued to do so until late afternoon when Kamran left to fly back to Karachi. REFERENCE: We never learn from history By Ardeshir Cowasjee dated 21 July 2002 Sunday 10 Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1423

    Nawaz opened up by congratulating Kamran on his Mehrangate exposures which had recently appeared in the press, asking how the inquiry was progressing, and giving his own views. They exchanged information, each believing the other was being informed. They talked about how COAS Aslam Beg (sporter of shades in the shade) managed to get Rs 14 crore (140 million) from Yunis Habib, then of Habib Bank. This was deposited in the ‘Survey Section 202’ account of Military Intelligence (then headed by Major-General Javed Ashraf Kazi). From there Rs 6 crore was paid to President Ghulam Ishaq Khan’s election cellmates (General Rafaqat, Roedad Khan, Ijlal Hyder Zaidi, etc.), and Rs 8 crore transferred to the ISI account. After lunch, Nawaz brought up the subject of how Aslam Beg early in 1991 had sought a meeting with him (then prime minister) to which he brought Major-General Asad Durrani, chief of the ISI. They told him that funds for vital on-going covert operations (not identified by Nawaz) were drying up, how they had a foolproof plan to generate money by dealing in drugs. They asked for his permission to associate themselves with the drug trade, assuring him of full secrecy and no chance of any trail leading back to them. REFERENCE: We never learn from history By Ardeshir Cowasjee dated 21 July 2002 Sunday 10 Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1423

    Nawaz remarked that on hearing this he felt the roof had caved in on him. He told them he could have nothing to do with such a plan and refused to give his approval. The Washington Post had just broken Kamran’s story and when I asked why it had not broken earlier, he told me how they check and recheck, and that in the meantime, he had been busy with the Mehrangate affair on which, between May and August, he had filed seven stories. We must again ask: was Nawaz capable of saying what he did? Yes. Did Kamran invent the whole thing? Not likely. Is The Washington Post a responsible paper with credibility? Yes. Everybody who is anyone in Washington reads it over breakfast. Has it ever made mistakes? Yes. What is so earth-shattering about using drugs to make money? Drugs have been trafficked and used for covert operations for ages, by warlords, statesmen, chieftans and generals, used to gain territory, to buy or to harm the enemy. Remember how the staid Victorians of the British empire used opium to China’s detriment. Remember the Americans and how they traded drugs in Vietnam, and the Iran-Contra affair. Can we believe Aslam Beg? Judging by his behaviour and record, no. Are we expected to believe Asad Durrani, a clever professional spook? Of course not. REFERENCE: We never learn from history By Ardeshir Cowasjee dated 21 July 2002 Sunday 10 Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1423

    Have all our generals been upright men and played it right? Of course, yes. Otherwise would they have ended up the way they did? Ziaul Haq? Governor, rich General Fazle Haq? How about dubious politician, rich General Aslam Beg, Lt General Javed Ashraf Kazi first chief of the MI and then of the ISI, Nawaz’s ISI chief, General Javed Nasir, sacked by General Waheed Kakar, General Asad Durrani of MI and ISI fame, summarily sacked by General Kakar, rewarded and re-employed by Benazir as her ambassador in Bonn, and dangerous politician, the firebrand fundo General Hamid Gul. How did Ejazul Haq, son of the pious General Ziaul Haq, and Humayun Akhtar Rahman, son of the powerful General Akhtar Abdul Rahman, become tycoons overnight? The story related above was printed in Dawn in my column of September 23 1994, and was never repudiated by any of the honourable gentlemen mentioned. Kamran Khan is still writing and when Nawaz Sharif returned as prime minister in 1997, Kamran was awarded the presidential Pride of Performance medal for journalism which was pinned upon his chest by none other than Rafiq Tarar, former justice of the Supreme Court and then head of state. REFERENCE: We never learn from history By Ardeshir Cowasjee dated 21 July 2002 Sunday 10 Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1423

    “UNQUOTE”

  • Mr. Shaheen Sehbai, Group Editor of The News International also forget as to what his own newspaper has been publishing about what type of negative impact “Army’s Influence” leave on Pakistan’s Politics. Let me give all of you a quote from Jang Group’s News filed one year ago.

    “QUOTE”

    ISLAMABAD: The main wheeler and dealer of the ISI during the 2002 elections, the then Maj-Gen Ehtesham Zamir, now retired, has come out of the closet and admitted his guilt of manipulating the 2002 elections, and has directly blamed Gen Musharraf for ordering so. Talking to The News, the head of the ISI’s political cell in 2002, admitted manipulating the last elections at the behest of President Musharraf and termed the defeat of the King’s party, the PML-Q, this time “a reaction of the unnatural dispensation (installed in 2002).” Zamir said the ISI together with the NAB was instrumental in pressing the lawmakers to join the pro-Musharraf camp to form the government to support his stay in power. Looking down back into the memory lane and recalling his blunders which, he admitted, had pushed the country back instead of taking it forward, Zamir feels ashamed of his role and conduct. Massively embarrassed because he was the one who negotiated, coerced and did all the dirty work, the retired Maj-Gen said he was not in a position to become a preacher now when his own past was tainted.

    He said the country would not have faced such regression had the political management was not carried out by the ISI in 2002. But he also put some responsibility of the political disaster on the PML-Q as well. The former No: 2 of the ISI called for the closure of political cell in the agency, confessing that it was part of the problem due to its involvement in forging unnatural alliances, contrary to public wishes. Zamir’s blaming Musharraf for creating this unnatural alliance rings true as another former top associate of Musharraf, Lt-Gen (retd) Jamshed Gulzar Kiyani has already disclosed that majority of the corps commanders, in several meetings, had opposed Musharraf’s decision of patronising the leadership of the King’s party. “We had urged Musharraf many times during the corps commanders meeting that the PML-Q leadership was the most condemned and castigated personalities. They are the worst politicians who remained involved in co-operative scandals and writing off loans. But Musharraf never heard our advice,” Kiyani said while recalling discussions in their high profile meetings.

    He said one of their colleagues, who was an accountability chief at that time, had sought permission many times for proceeding against the King’s party top leaders but was always denied. Kiyani asked Musharraf to quit, the sooner the better, as otherwise the country would be in a serious trouble. Ma-Gen (retd) Ehtesham Zamir termed the 2008 elections ‘fairer than 2002’. He said the reason behind their fairness is that there was relatively less interference of intelligence agencies this time as compared to the last time. But he stopped short of saying that there was zero interference in the 2008 polls. “You are quite right,” he said when asked to confirm about heavy penetration of ISI into political affairs during the 2002 elections. But he said he did not do it on his own but on the directives issued by the government. Asked who directed him from the government side and if there was somebody else, not President Musharraf, he said: “Obviously on the directives of President Musharraf.” Asked if he then never felt that he was committing a crime by manipulating political business at the cost of public wishes, he said: “Who should I have told except myself. Could I have asked Musharraf about this? I was a serving officer and I did what I was told to do. I never felt this need during the service to question anyone senior to me,” he said and added that he could not defend his acts now.

    “It was for this reason that I have never tried to preach others what I did not practice. But I am of the view that the ISI’s political cell should be closed for good by revoking executive orders issued in 1975,” he said. Responding to a question regarding corruption cases that were used as pressure tactics on lawmakers, he said: “Yes! This tool was used, not only by the ISI. The NAB was also involved in this exercise.” Former corps commander of Rawalpindi, Lt-Gen (retd) Jamshed Gulzar Kiyani said majority of corps commanders had continued opposing Musharraf’s alliance with top leadership of the PML-Q. “Not just in one meeting, we opposed his alignment with these corrupt politicians in many meetings but who cared. Now Musharraf has been disgraced everywhere, thanks to his political cronies.” REFERENCE: The man, who rigged 2002 polls, spills the beans By Umar Cheema Sunday, February 24, 2008

    “UNQUOTE”

  • آئی ایس آئی کا ‘‘جمہوریت کُش’’ آپریشن
    Posted on 13 December 2009 by Ibrahim Sajid Malick

    یہ کالم لکھنے سے پہلے میں یہ وضاحت ناگزیر سمجھتا ہوں کہ برطانیہ میں پاکستان کے ہائی کمشنر واجد شمس الحسن 1985 میں روزنامہ دی نیوز کراچی کے ایڈیٹر تھے جہاں سے میں نے صحافت کے شعبے میں قدم رکھا۔ وہ میرے اُستاد تھے اور میں اُن کی شفقت و مہربانی کا آج بھی مشکور ہوں، تاہم میں نے اُن کی سیاسی حیثیت یا سرکاری ذمہ داریوں سے کبھی بھی کوئی فائدہ نہیں اٹھایا۔

    پاکستان کے حقیقی حکمرانوں یعنی شانوں پر ستارے اور سینوں پر سلور بیج سجائے خاکی وردی والوں نے ایک بار پھر قوم کی زبان بند کرنے کا فیصلہ کر لیا ہے۔ چونکہ اس بار انہیں براہ راست اُن کے امریکی آقاؤں سے یہ حکم ملا ہے، اس لئے وہ یہ اچانک تبدیلی نہایت چالاکی سے پیدا کر رہے ہیں۔

    اس بار انہوں نے ملک کے منتخب صدر آصف علی زرداری کو رات کے اندھیرے میں عہدے سے ہٹانے کے بجائے دن کے اجالے میں ہی پر کاٹ کر اڑنے سے محروم کر دیا ہے۔ صدر پاکستان آصف علی زرداری کے پاس اب کوئی اختیارات نہیں ہیں۔ ایوان صدر محض علامت اور ان کے اختیارات برائے نام رہ گئے ہیں۔

    کیری لوگر بل کے معاملے پر پیدا ہونے والے تنازع کے بعد واشنگٹن میں پاکستان کے سفیر حسین حقانی مذاق بن گئے تھے اور اُن کا اثر و رسوخ بھی ختم ہو کر رہ گیا ہے۔

    میں یہ سوال اٹھانے میں حق بجانب ہوں کہ پاکستان میں حکومت کرنے والی حقیقی طاقت کس طرح حسین حقانی جیسے دانشور کے ساتھ مل کر کام کر سکتی ہے۔ حقانی صاحب نے ‘‘ملٹری سے مسجد تک’’ کتاب تحریر کی ہے جو پاکستان کی حالیہ تاریخ کے بارے میں مستند حیثیت کی حامل ہے۔ اس کتاب میں انہوں فوج مافیا کے ہاتھوں ملاؤں اور مسجد کے استعمال کو بے نقاب کیا ہے۔ حسین حقانی کو تو لازمی پاکستان کی جمہوری حکومت کی نمائندگی کرنا تھی، لیکن انہیں کام تو آخر اُسی آرمی کے ساتھ کرنا تھا جس کے بارے میں انہوں نے کتاب لکھی ہے۔ یہاں میرا یہ خدشہ درست ثابت ہوا ہے کہ آپ تاریکی اور اجالے، حق و باطل اور ظالم و مظلوم کے ساتھ بیک وقت مفاہمت نہیں کر سکتے۔

    آئی ایس آئی نے دوسرا حملہ لندن میں پاکستان کے ہائی کمشنر واجد شمس الحسن پر کیا ہے۔
    ٹیلی ویژن کے بہت سے صحافی اس بات سے اچھی طرح اگاہ تھے کہ جنیوا میں کوئی بڑا کام ہونے والا ہے۔ یورپ اور امریکا میں پاکستانی سفارت خانوں میں آرمی کے لوگوں کی جانب سے بتایا گیا کہ انہیں تمام اخراجات کے ساتھ جنیوا لے جایا جائے گا جہاں ایسی خبر جنم لینے والی ہے جو اُن کے کیریئر میں سنگ میل ثابت ہو گی۔
    لندن، جنیوا، واشنگٹن ڈی سی اور برلن میں موجود آرمی اور آئی ایس آئی کے نمائندوں نے ٹیلی ویژن کے مشہور صحافیوں کو اس خبر کی تفصیلات بتائے بغیر دام میں لانے کی بہت کوشش کی، لیکن کوئی صحافی راضی نہ ہوا۔ اس ناکامی پر اٹلی کے شہر carpi میں روزنامہ جنگ کے غیر معروف نمائندے سے رابطہ کر کے تمام اخراجات کے ساتھ جنیوا لے جایا گیا۔ اس نمائندے نے کبھی کسی ٹی وی چینل کے لئے رپورٹ تیار نہیں کی اور اسی وجہ سے اُس کی بھیجی گئی ریکارڈنگ سے کراچی میں جیو کی ٹیم نے پورا سیگمنٹ تیار کر کے اُن ایئر کیا۔

    یورپ میں فوج کی معاونت کرنے والا شخص نصیر ملک جنیوا میں آئی ایس آئی کے درمیانے درجے کے نمائندے کے طور پر بھی جانا جاتا ہے۔ وہ مسلم لیگ (ن) کا عہدیدار اور مشروب اسٹور کا مالک بھی ہے۔ وہ ٹی وی چینلز کے نمائندوں کو بار بار فون کر کے کیمرہ پرسن کے ساتھ آنے اور یہ خبر کور کرنے کیلئے قائل کرتا رہا۔ واجد شمس الحسن کی آمد کے وقت، اُن کے زیر استعمال کار اور اس کی لائسنس پلیٹ سمیت تمام اور بہت سی معلومات نصیر ملک کے پاس پہلے سے موجود تھیں۔

    کچھ چینلز نے اس کو کور کیا اور یکم دسمبر 2009 کو یہ رپورٹ ہوا کہ برطانیہ میں پاکستانی ہائی کمشنر واجد شمس الحسن کی سربراہی میں جنیوا میں انتہائی خفیہ آپریشن ہوا ہے ۔
    صدارتی ترجمان فرحت اﷲ بابر نے جنیوا میں وکیل کے دفتر سے کسی ریکارڈ کی منتقلی کے معاملے سے مکمل لاعلمی کا اظہار کیا تھا۔ اخبار کے نمائندے جاوید کنول، جنہوں نے جامعہ لاہور سے فوٹو گرافی میں پی ایچ ڈی کرنے کا دعویٰ کر رکھا ہے (میں نے دوبار چیک کیا ہے، لیکن پاکستان میں کوئی جامعہ فوٹو گرافی میں پی ایچ ڈی کی ڈگری نہیں کراتی) مشہور اور دولت مند ہو گئے ہیں۔ انہیں آئی ایس آئی کے جوائنٹ کاؤنٹر انٹیلی جنس بیورو کی جانب سے رقم دی گئی۔ جاسوسوں کا یہ گروہ بیرون ملک پاکستانی سفارتکاروں کی نقل و حرکت کی نگرانی پر مامور ہے۔

    واشنگٹن ڈی سی اور لندن میں ڈپلومیٹک مشن بہترین کور فراہم کرتے ہیں اور آئی ایس آئی کے مراکز سفارتخانوں کے احاطے میں ہی واقع ہیں۔ ان میں سے کم از کم دو کو تو میں جانتا ہوں جن کا میں ذکر کر چکا ہوں، لیکن سفارتخانوں کی حدود سے باہر بھی آئی ایس آئی کے لوگوں کو پاکستانی کمیونٹی کے ساتھ قریبی تعلق رکھنے والی کوئی نہ کوئی کاروباری شخصیت مل ہی جاتی ہے جس کی ایک زندہ مثال نصیر ملک ہے۔ اس کے علاوہ بھی کچھ مشکوک کردار صرف اس لیے خود کو صحافی ظاہر کرتے ہیں کہ انہیں آزادانہ گھومنے کی اجازت مل سکے۔ جنیوا میں کسی پریس کانفرنس کے دوران اُن کا پہلی قطار میں موجود ہونا حیرانی کی بات نہیں اور پاکستان آرمی کے کردار یا پاکستان میں انسانی حقوق کے حوالے سے سوال و جواب کے سیشن کا ماحول خراب کرنے کا موقع بھی ہاتھ سے جانے نہیں دیتے۔

    جنیوا میں اقوام متحدہ کیلئے پاکستان کا مشن ضمیر اکرام کی قیادت میں کام کر رہا ہے اور اس مشن نے واجد شمس الحسن کے گرد گھیرا بنانے میں مرکزی کردار ادا کیا ہے۔ ضمیر اکرام اقوام متحدہ میں پاکستان کے سابق مندوب مشہور منیر اکرام کے بھائی ہیں جنہیں نیو یارک کے اپنے اپارٹمنٹ میں خاتون پر حملے کے الزام کا بھی سامنا ہے۔

    انٹیلی جنس بیورو (پاکستان کی سول انٹیلی جنس سروس) کے ذرائع نے تسلیم کیا ہے کہ وہ آئی ایس آئی کے اس ‘‘جمہوریت کُش’’ آپریشن سے بالکل بے خبر تھے، لیکن اب اُن کے پاس اس بات کے کافی شواہد موجود ہیں کہ کس طرح پاکستان کے منتخب صدر اور بیرون ملک سفارتکار کو پریشان کرنے کے لئے میڈیا کو استعمال کیا گیا۔
    سابق صدر پرویز مشرف امریکا میں اپنی تمام تقریروں کے دوران آرمی اور آئی ایس آئی کا دفاع کرتے ہوئے موقف اختیار کرتے رہے ہیں کہ یہ ادارے بھی وہی کچھ کر رہے ہیں جو کسی بھی ملک کی قومی سلامتی کے ادارے کرتے ہیں۔ اگر یہ بات درست ہے تو پھر پاکستانی ادارے اپنا یہ فرض جمہوری طور پر منتخب حکومت کے زیر انتظام رہتے ہوئے کیوں نہیں ادا کرتے۔ دراصل سابق صدر پرویز مشرف کے دور حکومت میں اداروں کو جمہوری انداز میں کام نہیں کرنے دیا گیا اور نہ ہی جمہوری اقدار کو پروان چڑھنے کا موقع ملا۔ دنیا پاکستان کو ناکام ملک سمجھنے لگی تھی اور پرویز مشرف کے پاس اس الزام کا کوئی جواب موجود نہیں ہے۔

    اگر پاکستان دنیا میں اپنی حیثیت منوانا چاہتا ہے اور طاقت کے اس میدان میں اپنی سالمیت و ساکھ کے دفاع کا خواہش مند ہے تو ایسا صرف جمہوری اداروں اور اُن کے استحکام سے ہی ممکن ہے۔ جمہوری اداروں کو اہمیت نہ دینے والے ہماری قومی سلامتی کے لئے خطرہ ہیں۔ پاکستان میں طویل آمریت کے بعد آنے والی جمہوریت ابھی کمزور ہے اور آرمی اس کو یرغمال بنانے کی کوشش کر رہی ہے۔ امید ہے کہ پاکستانی عوام اپنے حقوق کے لئے اُٹھ کھڑے ہوں گے اور بوٹوں والوں نے حقوق پر قبضے کی کوشش کی تو قوم اپنی طاقت سے انہیں بیرکوں میں واپس جانے پر مجبور کر دے گی
    اب دنیا بدل چکی ہے اور ہم گورننس کے نئے عہد میں داخل ہو رہے ہیں۔ اگر ہم نے ملک میں جمہوریت کو مستحکم نہیں کیا تو عالمی برادری میں اہم مقام اور حیثیت حاصل نہیں کر سکیں گے اور پاکستان اس کا متحمل نہیں ہو سکتا

    http://ibrahimsajidmalick.com

  • By the way what was so wrong with Mr. Kamal Azfar’s statement because Mr. Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry [Chief Justice Supreme Court of Pakistan] has also been victim of the same Establishment not very long ago. Dear Nota, please tell as to who is the DG ISI in the below mentioned news???

    How is it that those behind the deal-making based on this unconstitutional and illegal ordinance were not named and shamed/charged outright? Indeed, as reported widely at the time, the present chief of army staff was the DG ISI when the final draft of the NRO was being presented to Benazir in Dubai and was part of Musharraf’s team sent to convince her. Let us be grateful for small mercies By Kamran Shafi Tuesday, 22 Dec, 2009 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/columnists/let-us-be-grateful-for-small-mercies-229

    “QUOTE”

    ISLAMABAD, May 29: The Chief Justice of Pakistan, Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, on Tuesday narrated for the first time his version of the events of of May 9 at the President’s camp office in Rawalpindi. He said in an affidavit that top intelligence officials had constantly pressured him into resigning, and after keeping him confined at the office for over five hours, he was allowed to leave in a flagless car. “I was informed that I have been restrained from acting as the chief justice.” The `non-functional’ chief justice informed the full-bench hearing identical petitions against the presidential reference that since the action of March 9, he had remained a victim of intrusive and not-so-intrusive intelligence and police operation. “I replied that it was not based on facts as my case was decided by a two-member bench and that attempts are being made to maliciously involve the other member of the Bench as well.” After this, the president said there were a few more complaints as well, directing his staff to call the ‘other persons’. The ‘other persons’ entered the room immediately. They were: Prime Minster Shaukat Aziz, the Directors General of Military Intelligence (MI), Director General of Inter Services Intelligence (ISI), Director General Intelligence Bureau (IB), Chief of Staff (COS) and another official. All officials (except the IB chief and the COS) were in uniform. “The meeting lasted about 30 minutes. The chiefs of the MI, ISI and IB stayed back, but they too did not show him me a single piece of evidence.” In fact, Justice iftikhar said, no official, except the ISI chief, had any document with him. The officials, however, alleged that Justice Iftikhar had used his influence to get his son admitted in Bolan Medical College, Quetta, when he was serving as a judge of the Balochistan High Court. The ISI and MI heads persisted in their demand for resignation, the CJ said. “I refused, saying that the demand has a collateral purpose.” “I was kept there absolutely against my will till 5pm. I was stopped there on one pretext or the other and at one stage was told the president will once again see me. “After 5pm, the MI chief told me `This is a bad day. Now you are taking a separate way and you are informed that you have been restrained from working as a judge of the Supreme Court or the Chief Justice of Pakistan’.” Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry further said when he came out of the room, he was stunned to find that the national flag and the insignia of office were no longer there on his car. “My staff officer later informed me Justice Javed Iqbal has taken oath as Acting Chief Justice and it has been shown on TV. My driver said he had been instructed not to drive the Chief Justice to the Supreme Court.” REFERENCE: CJ says chiefs of MI, ISI asked him to quit: Affidavit on March 9 camp office event By Iftikhar A. Khan May 30, 2007 Wednesday Jamadi-ul-Awwal 13, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/2007/05/30/top1.htm

    “UNQUOTE”

  • Gifts collection Thursday, December 24, 2009 Dictators outdo politicians By Rauf Klasra

    http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=26265

    ISLAMABAD: The official record of the cabinet division reveals an interesting fact: it was not the most criticised “corrupt” prime ministers of Pakistan – Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif – but dictators like Gen Zia and Gen Musharraf, who staged military coups in the name of ridding politics of corruption, but made sweeping changes in the rules (governing gifts given by foreign dignitaries) to retain expensive gifts free of cost.

    Generally, politicians are labelled as greedy and corrupt, but now it has emerged that after Gen Zia it was Gen (retd) Pervez Musharraf who made four sweeping changes to the rules, which enabled him and his hand-picked prime minister to retain expensive gifts worth Rs60 million, which they later took with them to London.

    Before Musharraf, it was Gen Zia who had brought about changes in the rules framed by Bhutto in 1973 to retain many gifts as head of state. Musharraf was the only ruler in 30 years who quietly enhanced the fixed limit of retention of any gift free of cost from Rs1,000 in 1978 to Rs400,000 in 2000. The changes enabled him to retain precious gifts worth million of rupees such as diamonds, gold, jewellery boxes, necklaces, watches, guns and carpets either free of cost or by paying a token money.

    Late Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto framed the rules for acceptance and disposal of gifts on Oct 9, 1973, and he did not bring about even a single change in these rules for five years till Gen Ziaul Haq became the president of Pakistan and introduced changes that financially suited him.

    The official papers, tabled before the Senate body on cabinet division on December 21, revealed politician acted with more grace and dignity when it came to accepting foreign gifts. From Mohammad Khan Junejo, Benazir Bhutto, Mustafa Jatoi, Nawaz Sharif to Balakh Sher Mazari, no one changed the rules to retain maximum gifts free of cost. Nawaz and Benazir served as the prime minister twice but they did not change these rules for personal benefits.

    The papers show Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had framed the rules, which said the financial limit of free gift would not exceed Rs1,000; any gift exceeding this limit was to be fully paid for. He had also constituted a gift evaluation committee to be chaired by the cabinet secretary and comprising representatives of ministries of finance and foreign office not below the level of joint secretary to evaluate these gifts.

    These rules continued to be practised till 1978 when Gen Zia changed them. Gen Zia brought down the payment of any gift from full cost to 25 per cent of the sum exceeding Rs1,000 up to Rs5,000. He did not stop there and made another rule that a recipient of gifts valued above Rs5,000 were required to pay 15 per cent of the value. This concession directly benefited Gen Zia and his cronies. These rules remained unchanged during the tenures of Benazir and Nawaz Sharif.

    When Musharraf became the president he immediately brought about changes in these rules. In 2000, he enhanced the limit of retention of gifts from Rs1,000 to Rs10,000. The gifts valued at Rs400,000 and above were not to be retained by any recipient and were treated as state property. But the very next year in 2001, Musharraf allowed himself to retain gifts valued at Rs400,000 and above. This change in the rule enabled Musharraf to retain diamonds, gold, necklaces, bracelets and other expensive gifts, either free of cost or by paying 15 per cent of remaining amount.

    Musharraf again changed these rules in 2004. Under the new rules, different gift articles given by a single dignitary to a recipient on one occasion were to be treated as a single gift. This new clause helped Musharraf to save a lot of money as several gifts were treated as one and then handed over to him either free of cost as their limit was enhanced or after deduction of some money.

    But Musharraf did yet another trick to keep gifts free of costs as they enhanced the maximum limit for retention of gifts to Rs1 million in a calendar year. But, this did not apply to Musharraf as he was free to take any number of gifts; he could retain the gifts after payment of 65 per cent assessed value of these gifts in case the total cost of these gifts exceeded Rs1 million in a year.

    In 2006, Musharraf brought another change in the rules when the FBR, Taxila Museum, National Council for Arts and POF Wah were declared government sector appraisers in addition to private sector appraisers for assessment of these gifts.

    Musharraf at one stage even stopped reporting these gifts to the cabinet division to save payment of token money in case the gift amount exceeded the given limit. That is why the total number of gifts received by Musharraf is just 260.