Second part of this article:
The pseudo-liberals strike back – by Qudsia Siddiqui
On reading Five Rupees’ “Some Idle speculation on the future of the PPP” (written by Ahsan Butt), the first thought that came to my mind was the insult to the term “idle speculation”. The term implies a mindset that is still idle and not heavily biased. The arguments made in the article have been dredged and repeated ad infinitum and have been proven wrong, time and time again.
After the loss of both Zufliqar Ali Bhutto and Benazir Bhutto, arguably Pakistan’s most popular and charismatic leaders to date, the PPP has still managed to survive. On the late BB’s return in 2007, over a million people turned up to welcome her. This shattered the illusions of our elitist and venal chattering, pseudo-liberal classes who have always lined up to kiss the boots of military dictators and urban fascists.
The very idea of the PPP sends our chattering classes into a psychotic breakdown and out pour the urban myths that have been carefully crafted in air-conditioned drawing rooms and under the guidance of the establishment on whose scraps our business elites build their corporate houses.
Most of these myths are past their sell by dates. Nonetheless, there are two I would like to address.
The PPP has often been portrayed as a party representing feudal interests. In fact, most of the big feudal landlords of Sindh (Jatois, Mehrs and Pagaras) have always been anti-PPP and pro-establishment. Since the time of ZAB, more feudals have left the PPP (Khar, Jatoi) than joined it. Today, the new face of the PPP is Jamshed Dasti and Faisal Raza Abidi; two charismatic young men who represent more of the urban than the rural and who are not from the feudal class. (Do the pseudo-liberal revolutionaries of the internet know these facts?)
The feudal tag is a favourite baiting tactic of the urban bourgeoisie hypocrites who even use it to apologise for the Taliban. For instance, my friends from Swat who are now based in Karachi are labelled as the “feudal elite” against whom the Taliban are engaging in a “class struggle”.
Yes, the same “feudals” who earn $80 per month from the outsourced growing of grape fruits and oranges on their quarter acre lot are posited as the feudal elites while the Taliban who are funded, protected and financed to the tune of billions of dollars are the modern day “Marxist rebels”! This is the thinking of the morally bankrupt intelligensia that flips out at the very mention of the PPP!
Similarly, the Sarders of Balochistan are presented as the true representatives of the oppressed Baloch. In the 1970 federal elections, the most fair elections in the history of Pakistan, Baloch nationalists like Bizenjo and Abdul Hayee Baloch won 2 out of the 4 seats and trounced the pro-establishment Khan of Kalat! A leftist Urdu speaker, the late Professor Karrar Hussain was the Vice Chancellor of the state university and a Karachiite from Kerala, B.M. Kutty was the advisor to governor Bizenjo! The elected woman MP was an Irish woman, Jennifer. These were the actual representatives chosen by a progressive and secular nationalist Baloch and the rubbish about Balochis being ruled by Sardars is another carefully crafted myth of the urban chattering elites of Pakistan.
This serves the purposes of their intellectual masters of the establishment and ensures that few if any of these urban elites sympathize with the oppression against their own people. What sympathy will they ever have for the PPP which has taken on the establishment and suffered greatly as a result!
Bhutto’s land reforms of 1972 and 1977 which taxed agricultural income and limited land holdings were overturned by the Islamist dictator Zia ul Haq. Yet, today, it is the MQM that uses the feudal tag to beat down the PPP! Like Nawaz Sharif, Altaf Hussain, the unchallenged leader of the MQM was also a product of Zia. The MQM was and is an establishment party that enjoys support amongst some sections of Karachi’s diverse population.
However, for them to trot out the feudal tag is laden with irony given their own record in amassing prize real estate all over Karachi, especially North Nazimabad where Mustafa Kamal, Ishrat ul Ibad, Babar Ghori and Farooq Satter have made billions in using the political clout of the MQM to carve out a real estate development scheme. This initiative must have made their mentors, the largest real estate group in Pakistan, proud. Ofcourse, none of the analysts, pseudo intellectuals and lifafa (sellout) journalists dare reiterate that statistically, the largest feudal entity of Pakistan is not the PPP but the army.
The MQM drives its electoral engine on a contrived sense of victimhood in which they want to drag down all of us Urdu speaking migrants. They are the salariat class that is being referred to by Hamza Alvi; the urban elites of India who felt they could not compete for government jobs with the better educated Hindus in India and thus needed to carve out their own “personal caliphate” where they could rise to the top in the bake sale of national conscience! General Musharfaf’s father represents the epitome of this class.
This is the class that comprises the bulk of the urban chattering elites whose sense of entitlement makes them more feudal in their thinking and more contemptuous of their servants than the rural feudals are of their serfs!
Another tag that is often thrown about is that of “dynastic politics” and the resulting contempt for those of the Bhuttos who did not side with the establishment.
Aside from the fact that legacy plays a crucial rule in electoral politics the world over, if the PPP was actually dynastic, its leaders after ZAB would have been Mumtaz Bhutto, Murtaza Bhutto and Zulfiqar Junior. Instead, the “unwashed” masses voted for Benazir and Zardari as they would not accept the dictates of the establishment.
One should credit the masses for having far more integrity than the anti-democracy urban chattering elites. The latter are hypocritical and twist the positive aspects of both ZAB’s and BB’s legacy and are clearly being disingenuous by labelling the PPP as a dynastic party.
Given this backdrop, the current blogger’s venom against Bilawal is not surprising.
Both Sherry Rehman and Aitzaz Ahsan do not have their own political constituencies; and Aitzaz has actually hurt the party’s interest. Similar to other back-stabbers and traitors like Faisal Saleh Hayat and Iqbal Haider, his hopeful departure from the PPP to the right-wing Islamist bloc whose interests he has been representing since 2007 would be addition by subtraction as far as the PPP leadership is concerned.
As for the future electoral prospects of the PPP, I would be inclined to respect the wishes of the masses and not the psycho babble of civil society idlers, pseudo-liberal speculators, and pro-establishment journalists, whose contempt for the PPP is directly proportional to their cheering of the Taliban. They have written many epithets for the PPP but the latter has prevailed due to the will of the masses. May they prevail again…..