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Breaking: Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (Balochistan) publishes beheading video of two Shia Muslims

LeJ-ASWJ terrorists (Balchistan Wing) behead two innocent Shia Muslims

Source: Adapted and edited from Long War Journal (Bill Roggio)

The al Qaeda-linked Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) has released a gruesome video on jihadist internet forums that shows the beheading of two Shiite Muslims abducted form Quetta a few weeks ago. In a statement that accompanied the video on one of the forums, a jihadist said the LeJ (banned Pakistani terror group) is part of al Qaeda and the Taliban.

The video, titled “Revenge,” was released today, first on the Jamia Hafsa Urdu forum and then distributed on other jihadist forums, according to the SITE Intelligence Group, which obtained the video.

Condensed version

In the video, two Shia men (Syed Haseeb Abbas Zaidi and Noor Ali) are filmed for nearly half an hour before they are brought outside and seated on the ground with their hands tied behind their backs. Standing behind them are four masked Lashkar-e-Jhangvi fighters; two are holding a red banner with crossed swords.

Two of the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi fighters then pull out knives, and proceed to behead the two Shia men. The victims’ heads are then placed on their laps. The jihadists then wipe their knives on the clothes of the slain men.

The video is a slap on the face of ISI-touts in Quetta who claim that only Hazara Shias are being killed due to their ethnicity. Both of the Shias killed in this video are non-Hazara Shias of settler (Muhajir and Sindhi) backgrounds. This shows how radicalized anti-Shia Balochs (a tiny minority in majority of peaceful, secular Balochs) are now a part and parcel of Shia genocide. Instead of denying or understating their presence, Baloch tribal leaders, political parties and activists must boldly condemn them and refuse to provide them safe shelter in their areas. In the latter part, the video also gives strong warning to moderate Sunni traders and scholars including moderate Deobandi scholars Maulana Sherani (JUI) and Hafiz Hamidullah for their reconciliatory and unity stance towards Shias.

Here is why Hafiz Hamdullah was issued with warning by the ISI-sponsored LeJ terrorists:


A jihadist on the Hanein forum, who posted in Arabic, said the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi “is allied to Taliban-Pakistan and has a close relationship with it,” according to SITE, which translated the message.

“Most of the operations against the Shi’ites [in Pakistan], if not all of them, are carried out by this group,” the jihadist continued.

He also said the group carried out a suicide attack in Afghanistan against Shia last year, presumably a reference to the Dec. 6, 2011 attack that killed more than 50 Shia worshipers outside a mosque in the capital of Kabul. The Lashkar-e-Jhanghvi al Almi claimed credit for that attack [see LWJ report, Suicide bomber kills scores in attack at Kabul mosque].

LeJ-ASWJ militants have killed at least 19000 Shias in Pakistan as a part of slow motion genocide of Shia Muslims. Pakistan army, judiciary and government seem to have given complete freedom to Jihadi-sectarian assets of Pakistan army which are killing Shias, Sunni Barelvis, Ahmadis etc with impunity.

The jihadist at the Hanein forum also said that the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi “is the Omar Brigade of Taliban-Pakistan as the Omar Brigade of al Qaeda Organization targeted Badr Brigade and others among the [Shi’ites].”

The Lashkar-e-Jhangvi is an anti-Shia terror group that has integrated with al Qaeda and the Taliban in Pakistan’s tribal areas. The Lashkar-i-Jhangvi has an extensive network in Pakistan and serves as al Qaeda’s muscle for terror attacks. The group has conducted numerous suicide and other terror attacks inside Pakistan. In particular, the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi is well known for carrying out sectarian terror attacks against minority Shia, Ahmadis, Sufis (Sunni Barelvis), and Christians in Pakistan.

The US designated the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi as a Foreign Terrorist Organization in 2003. In 2010, the US added two of the terror group’s top leaders, Amanullah Afridi and Matiur Rehman, LeJ’s operations chief, to the list of Specially Designated Global Terrorists.

In February 2010, the US killed Qari Mohammad Zafar, a senior Lashkar-e-Jhangvi leader as well as a leader of the al Qaeda and Taliban-linked Fedayeen-i-Islam, in a drone strike in North Waziristan. Zafar was behind multiple terror attacks in Pakistan and was wanted by the US for murdering a consular official in Karachi.

Although Pakistan has added Lashkar-e-Jhangvi to its list of terror groups, it has been lax in dealing with the terror group and LeJ’s parent organization, the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan. Last year, a Pakistani court ordered the release of Malik Ishaq, a Lashkar-e-Jhangvi leader who is thought to have been involved in the March 3, 2009 assault on the Sri Lankan cricket team in Lahore, among other attacks. While Ishaq was supposedly in prison from 1997 until July 2011, he plotted numerous terror attacks in Pakistan.

According to Pakistani journalist Amir Mateen, there is some evidence that LeJ has the support of Pakistan’s security agencies and that almost all of the LeJ terrorists nabbed in Balochistan are radicalized Baloch militants. Shia activists have demanded Baloch tribal and political leaders and nationalists to take strict action against ISI-sponsored anti-Shia terrorists within their own community.

The video shows how much impunity such terrorists are allowed to operate by Pakistani State. For Pakistan, to not even prosecute LeJ-ASWJ terrorists, which Pakistan’s ISI sponsors, shows that the ISI don’t really care about Pakistan’s own citizens, as long they can use such Jihadist mercenaries for cross-border operations.

Comment in Urdu from ShiaKilling.com

گزشتہ دنوں کوئٹہ میں لشکر جھنگوی کے ہاتھوں زبح ہونے والے شہید حسیب اور شہید منظور کی ویڈیو شیعہ کلنگ کو موصول، ویڈیو کو نشر کرنے کا فیصلہ

کوئٹہ میں گزشتہ دنوں اغوا ہونے والے شیعہ مومنین کی بیہمانہ طریقے سے قتل اُن تمام جمہوری طاقتوں اور ہیومن رائٹس کے چیمپینوں سے سوال کررہا ہے کہ ہمیں کس جرم میں قتل کردیا گیا؟

اس ملک کی عدلیہ ناکام ہوچکی ہے اس ملک کی عدلیہ اس دور کی ضیاالحق ہے جسے دہشتگردوں سے محبت اور امن پرستوں سے نفرت ہے۔ ہم کو اس عدلیہ سے کوئی اُمید نہیں اس کا انجام وہی ہوگا جو ضیاالحق کا ہوا۔

خدارا جاگو! کب تک ہم پاکستان کو اس قتل غارت کی آگ میں جلاتے رہنیگے۔


The following text is from terrorist website on which the video was released by LeJ Balochistan

Lashkar-e-Jhangvi::Presents::1st Official video Release ::Revenge::
بسم اللہ الرّحمن الرّحیم

لشـــــــکر جھنگوی بلوچستان
کی جانب سے
پیش خدمت ھے

ویڈیو فلم
بلوچستان میں
علماء اور عام مسلمانوں کا

یاد رھے کہ بلوچستان کراچی اور پاکستان کےدیگر علاقوں سمیت ہر ملک میں رافضیت (شیعہ)دین حق کے غلبہ کے راستے کی آڑ بنی ہوئی ھے
لیکن اللہ کے فضل سے اور پاک پروردگار کی مدد سے مجاھدین پوری دنیا میں عامّۃ اور خصوصا پاکستان میں اس غلیظ طبقہ شیعہ کو خوب سبق سکھاتی ھے ۔
اللہ مجاھدین کے نشانوں کو ٹہیک اور درست فرمائیں
اور اس غلیظ و زندیق طبقے کو مزید مجاہدین اسلام کے ہاتھوں مروا کر مومنین خصوصا مجاھدین کے سینوں کو ٹھنڈک و راحت بخشیں ۔
یہ ویڈیو بھی مجاھدین کے واروں میں سے ایک وار ھے اور مومنین کے سینوں کے لئے یقینا ٹھنڈک کا زریعہ


Download link,s

351 MB

210 MB

156 MB

اپنی نیک دعاؤں میں مجاھدین اسلام
کو ضرور یاد رکھیں

والسّلام وعلیکم ورحمۃ اللہ

Last edited by zarrar; 9 Hours Ago at 05:14 PM.

Source: http://www.jhuf.net/showthread.php?15824-Lashkar-e-Jhangvi-Presents-1st-Official-video-Release-Revenge&p=70853#post70853

Video Link of Forced Fake Confession and Beheading: Warning – Graphic



A viral video has made rounds online where a Quetta bus carrying Shia pilgrims was stopped by Takfiri Deobandis in Mastung (September 2011), and where all Shias (including Hazara and non-Hazara Shias) in the bus were rounded up and shot dead in cold blood. Upon closer inspection of that video, it turns out that the killers of those Shia pilgrims were not speaking Pashtu or Punjabi – as the common stereotype about LeJ-Taliban is – but Brahvi mixed with some Balochi. Brahvi speaking people are an integral part of the Baloch nation.


In recent times the Baloch city of Mastung – an traditional stronghold of Baloch politics – has become a hotbead of anti-Shia killings and many deadly acts of terror have been carried out against Shias in and around Mastung where the local language is both Brahvi and Balochi. It seems that the Deep State has now successfully infiltrated the secular Baloch movement while some Baloch activists remain either in denial or silence over these atrocities.

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  • And now, where else but to the latest outrage and more: the killing of 24 innocent people, 21 Shia and three Sunnis who tried to protect them by not letting on who was Shia amid slogans of ‘Shia kafir’ and ‘Sipah-e-Sahaba Zindabad’; the arrest of an eleven-year-old Christian girl with Down Syndrome for blasphemy in the nation’s capital; and the kidnapping and stabbing to death of a Christian boy in Faisalabad whose body was then burnt by the perpetrators. My head hangs in shame.
    Suo motu, My Lords?
    P.S. Does it take rocket science to see where the killers of the Shia get their sustenance? The Sipah in its new incarnation is a leading member of the Difa-e-Pakistan Council. And, er, we know who is behind that!
    Suo motu, My Lords?

    Open letter to Their Lordships
    By Kamran Shafi
    Published: August 23, 2012



  • Faraz-e-Daar say, Meesam Bayan detay hain,
    Rahay ga Zikr-e-Ali(as), hum Zaban detay hain,

    Salute to Shaheeds !

    Remember Karbala to ease your pain, but keep hold of the your anger and unleash it when time is right.

  • A similar painful story:

    A widow’s story: Pay the ransom, receive a body bag
    By Zehra Abid
    Published: January 22, 2012

    LeJ is responsible for murdering a Shia doctor and upending the lives of his family.
    It had been a long wait: 22 days. On the last day, Batool* waited all night for her husband to come home. She had cooked and kept aside change to pay the taxi driver when he arrived.
    In the living room of Dr Masood Naqvi’s* house in Quetta, women were reciting verses of the Quran and praying for his safe return. Every sound outside the house would raise hope, but each time they were disappointed.
    The night passed and in the morning a friend called and frantically asked Batool if her husband was OK. The tone of his voice told Batool the wait was over. She let everyone in her house know there was no need to pray anymore. As she now tells the The Express Tribune: “The tickers about his killing had started running on TV, but I did not know until then.”
    She heard her neighbour scream “Is it true?” and the faint hope she had until then was lost. The police gave the body to her neighbours, who informed Batool.
    At first glance, only the black shoes and shalwar on the body were visible. She told herself the clothing was not his, so the body must be someone else. But there he was, lying beneath the sheets drenched with blood.
    Dr Naqvi had been shot that day with four bullets, including two to the head. Police said Lashkar-e-Jhangvi had told them to “take their doctor home”. Without bandaging his wounds, police officers had brought the body back with his face still dripping with blood, she says.
    Dr Naqvi, a professor at a medical college in Quetta, was one of 91 Shias killed in Balochistan last year, according to police statistics. On March 28, he was abducted while on his way to college.
    Despite the frequent sectarian killings, his wife believed he would survive. “I thought he would come back because if they wanted to kill him why would they ask for ransom?” she says.
    The ransom had been paid the night before. Batool’s brother negotiated with the kidnappers for 22 days.
    “First the kidnappers asked us for Rs50 million, but it was impossible for us to pay that much. As soon as they came down to Rs2.6 million, I somehow collected the money and asked our friends to pay it,” Batool says. The kidnappers not only took the money and killed Naqvi, but also left a note on his body which said: “My wife and brother-in-law did not pay the ransom so I was killed.” The note had his signature on it.
    “I am glad we paid the ransom … If we had not made the payment I would have always felt that he was killed for money,” Batool says.
    The day the ransom was paid, Batool’s brother was threatened that he would be next. Fearing for their lives, all the relatives fled their hometown within days.
    The media’s coverage of the death increased her fears. “When Masood died, the media flashed our house on TV screens. However, later no one came to ask us what happened.”
    Batool also says there was no support from the police or government. “The police did not carry out any investigations; they only brought the body home. They didn’t even ask us where and to whom we paid the ransom to.”
    The Balochistan government has not made things easier. “It’s been nine months, but I still have not been paid his salary. There is a government rule that if a person dies in a target killing, their family is paid their salary till the day the deceased was meant to retire,” she says.
    Now Batool lives with her siblings in Karachi. Despite their love and support, her heart is in Quetta. At various points in the interview she keeps going back to how her city used to be.
    “We left the city as soon as we could. We left everything we had struggled so hard to build. I was born in Quetta, I lived there all my life and at this age I had to leave…”
    Of course, not everyone can seek refuge in another city. “When the news of Masood’s death came, the majority of people sitting in my house were those who had lost a brother, husband or son in similar incidents,” she says.
    “But it’s not easy to leave your job and house. I had the support of my siblings so I moved to Karachi and I have only come here because of the security of my daughter.”
    Her teenage daughter Zainab* does not understand why they lived in Quetta to begin with. As her mother talks about how the city was once peaceful, with a week-long education festival, debates and theatre at the boys’ college, Zainab listens in disbelief. The only question she asks is why her grandparents chose to move to the “worst province of Pakistan” after partition.
    Once again, Batool insists that it is not how it used to be. But, to Zainab, the stories sound like an old fable.
    *Names have been changed to protect privacy
    Published in The Express Tribune, January 22nd, 2012.


  • And this one too. There are hundreds of equally painful stories. So many stories, so few story writers. 🙁

    This is how Sipah-e-Sahaba and Taliban slaughter Shia Muslims in Pakistan – by Aqib Kazmi

    I watched them cutting his nose, ears, hands, legs and neck with great pleasure as if they were sacrificing cattle on Eid day.

    In 2008, three days after my uncle took charge as the principal of Elementary College Jamrud, he informed my father about a warning letter sent by a local Taliban official. The letter warned my uncle that they would kill him unless he left Jamrud immediately. Not one to fear death and abandon his responsibilities, he stayed on. However, the warning was taken seriously and he duly informed the administration, including the political agents of Jamrud.

    Now, let me tell you a little about my uncle. He was a peace-loving man, an author and an educationalist. He had served in the department of education for 32 years and was even the controller of many educational boards in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Having reached grade 20, he was willing to retire peacefully. Eighteen educational awards to his name are enough to show just how loyal he was to his job and how ardently he desired a better education system.

    Two days after the warning letter was issued, my uncle was kidnapped while he was on his way to office with his official guards. The guards offered no resistance to the kidnappers and were spared.

    An ocean of grief swept upon to my family. Every member was bent in prayer for his safe return, and there wasn’t a dry eye in the room, such was our fear.

    Initially, we were informed that he was taken to Orakzai Agency. The kidnappers called us soon enough and asked us to arrange as much money as we could and to wait for their next call. Thus, we frantically started to do so. The very next day, they called us again saying that they had got the money and my uncle had been sold to another group who had sectarian biases. After that, we waited for seven days.

    Those seven days stretched on – the longest days of my life. My uncle’s wife was paralysed with grief and kept murmuring:

    “He has never wronged anyone; I am not going to believe in God’s justice if anything happens to him.”

    We eventually received a call from Khyber Agency. A boy’s voice on the other end of the line informed us that my uncle’s body had been found in a water drainage pipe – his dead body.

    Relatives rushed to the scene, but all we found was mangled body parts; we found a head with no nose and no ears, a body with no legs or hands. We also recovered a CD, but no other remains of his body were found.

    My uncle did not deserve to die this brutal death.

    ASWJ-Taliban terrorists kidnapped and brutally slaughtered these Shia Muslims of Kurram Agency in June 2008
    A few days later, I watched the CD against my better judgement. In the last few moments of his life, I saw my uncle begging to be allowed to pray one last time. I saw the kidnappers laughing and saying “you are an infidel”; I saw them cutting his nose, ears, hands, legs and neck with great pleasure, as if they were sacrificing cattle on Eid day.

    My uncle died a tragic death. Now, grief has surpassed me and all that is left in me is shame.

    I feel shame because Pakistan left a person to die – a person who had never compromised on his duty, a person who worked 32 years to educate its people. I am ashamed of authorities who paid no attention at all to my uncle’s plight; I am ashamed of my protectors who pocket more than 70% of our budget in the name of protecting us. If someone cannot protect me inside my own country, how can they protect me from external threats?

    More than 1,500 cases of kidnapping for ransom have been registered in FATA during the last four years and not a single guilty person has been arrested. Millions of rupees have been looted from innocent people and hundreds of CDs have been sent to their families.

    Who should I blame?

    Things will only get worse if the authorities don’t take any action. There are currently three security forces working in FATA i.e. the levies, the Army, and the Frontier Corps. Still, they have failed to catch any kidnappers.

    Bringing peace to this area will not be easy, but we must take concrete steps to make it a possibility.

    Source: Express Tribune



  • Tanvir Ahmed Khan’s analysis:

    Six factors stand out when one seeks to define the context of present-day sectarian violence (in which Shiites are by far the most suffered victims) in Pakistan. One, several political parties — not just the religious ones — turned their back on the tradition of democracy on which the founding fathers wanted to base Pakistan’s polity. Realising that they would not be able to capture power in Pakistan by the electoral process, they nurtured constituencies of followers fired by parochial passions of ethnicity and sectarianism. Two, there has been an instrumental use of religion to gain legitimacy for illegal seizures of power and for the liberation of Afghanistan from the Soviet Union and Kashmir from India for decades; it reached a high point with General Ziaul Haq. Three, the Afghanistan model spawned the organisation of armed militias wedded to the use of force to attain political ends in domestic politics as well. Four, the same model also provided a tested route to financial support from within the country and from foreign sources. Fifth, the foreign funding shrunk the religious reference to narrower and narrower ‘ideologies’; the fragmentation of the Sunni reference into a number of sub-sects employing varying degrees of radicalism and violence is a case in point. Tragically for Pakistan, patronage was available from internal and external sources in each and every case. This process weakened the democratic forces as well as bonafide religious parties engaged like their counterparts elsewhere in the Islamic world in synthesising Islamic precepts and values with the demands of the contemporary world. Sixth, the special focus on educational institutions by the darker religious movements made huge dents in the liberal academic tradition that Pakistan began with. It is not just a matter of religious madrassas that are demonised by the liberal elite indiscriminately. The animus has spread to the so called ‘secular’ academia as well.

    As a responsible state, Pakistan should have remained loyal to the ideal of a Muslim civil state that had gathered people of all persuasions under its flag. They had transcended all past and present schisms to embrace a distinct nationhood. The essence of Pakistan lay in it being inclusive. A close study of the rise of militant organisations, including the unabashedly sectarian ones such as the Sipah-e-Sahaba and the Jaish-e-Mohammed, demonstrates that they were able to gain strength largely because successive governments leveraged that strength into their own political designs. When they became a Frankenstein they were banned, though not much was done to prevent their protean existence. Nor did the state ever implement an effective policy to cut off external financing for the new incarnations of the same brand of radicalism. In time, the main instruments by which it could have curbed extremist organisations became dysfunctional as seen in frequent failures to carry out prosecutions to a point where the courts could hand down unambiguous judgments.
    In fact, it is a bizarre facet of Pakistan’s history that foreign actors — be they terrorists invoking some perverted version of Islamism or Western intelligence establishments creating rival lobbies — are able to act with impunity and without any significant resistance from the state of Pakistan. This is an important factor in the growing polarisation in society.

    It is naive to argue that law-enforcement agencies can eliminate the scourge of sectarianism by themselves. This kind of violence stems from years of evil indoctrination and is sustained by intricate organisation. The battle for the hearts and souls of our people will have to be won in several theatres. But success will not come until the state radically alters its view of the very existence of groups that are using force to recreate Pakistan, not so much in the image of Islam, but that of criminalised cults built around highly bigoted figures. Only the other day, the new president of France made the following observation during a ceremony connected to the sufferings of the Jewish people in France during the Nazi occupation: “All ideologies of exclusion, all forms of intolerance, all fanaticism, all xenophobia that seek to develop the mentality of hatred will find their way blocked by the Republic.” So, the state has to do much more than chase sectarian killers with poorly equipped and easily out-gunned police. It has to upgrade the apparatus of the state manifold but no less importantly, it has to make a solemn pledge to the people that it will, as Francois Hollande put it, block all channels that spread the poison that is now destroying our society. The first step in the war against extremism and violence is for the Republic of Pakistan to overcome its own ambivalence.



    Ayaz Amir’s analysis:

    North Waziristan extremism has ideological sympathisers, sleeper cells and a support network, a mosque support network, running from one end of Pakistan to the other. And it is thriving in an atmosphere of radicalisation marked by such incidents as the killing of Shias in Quetta, the murder of Shias in Kohistan.

    When the misuse of mosque loudspeakers becomes a national pastime, and the spewing of hatred against different sects an everyday occurrence; when a poor Christian girl such as Aasia Bibi in Sheikhupura is held on a blasphemy charge, setting off a train of events leading ultimately to the murder of governor Salmaan Taseer at the hands of one of his guards, and the guard is hailed as a hero of the faith, and lawyers shower him with rose petals when he appears before a magistrate; when someone in Bahawalpur is held on a blasphemy charge and after being sprung from police lockup is set on fire by an enraged mob; when another poor Christian girl is held on a blasphemy charge near Islamabad; and the Muslim community, which should be moved to outrage at such outrages, chooses to remain silent and do nothing; and when, in a comic interlude, the highest security agencies use clerical windbags to whip up the froth of a false nationalism; then be not surprised if religious radicalisation keeps receiving shots in the arm, and extremism as an ideological force turns into a more poisonous brew.

    When the next bunch of Shias is murdered we read it as a newspaper item and shrug our shoulders and carry on as usual. And the call to prayers is sounded and it makes not the slightest difference to our collective conduct.

    The kingdom of dread which religious extremism has created is much wider than the geographic confines of North Waziristan. Has America done this to us? Is America the sole agent of our misfortunes? Or, painful thought, did we sow the dragon’s teeth ourselves? And if that was the past, are we not watering the spreading plant even now?

    The task at hand, it should be clear at this stage, is much larger than the necessity of any single military operation. Pakistan’s face has been distorted and it is that which must be set right if we are serious about rescuing what we like to call Iqbal and Jinnah’s Pakistan. Our minds have become twisted and a part of them are numb, incapable of feeling and thought, and that is why we choose to keep silent when our hearts should be brimming with outrage.

    If we want to emerge from the shadows, into the dustbin of history must be cast the shibboleths and attitudes of our eminently forgettable past. This war now upon us can be won only if the first order of business is the liberation and emancipation of the Pakistani mind.



    Kamran Shafi’s analysis:

    And now, where else but to the latest outrage and more: the killing of 24 innocent people, 21 Shia and three Sunnis who tried to protect them by not letting on who was Shia amid slogans of ‘Shia kafir’ and ‘Sipah-e-Sahaba Zindabad’; the arrest of an eleven-year-old Christian girl with Down Syndrome for blasphemy in the nation’s capital; and the kidnapping and stabbing to death of a Christian boy in Faisalabad whose body was then burnt by the perpetrators. My head hangs in shame.
    Suo motu, My Lords?
    P.S. Does it take rocket science to see where the killers of the Shia get their sustenance? The Sipah in its new incarnation is a leading member of the Difa-e-Pakistan Council. And, er, we know who is behind that!
    Suo motu, My Lords?


  • Kamran Shafi’s analysis is malicious and scandalous in its nature. Kamran Shafi has serious obsession with blaming Army and our intelligence agencies for all the ills in this country. I think there is a need for all of us to be rational in our thinking. These are terrorists who are playing in the hands of foreign intelligence agencies and are killing innocent Pakistanis just to disturb the religious harmony of our country. It is the responsibility of the Government of Pakistan to bring the terrorist to justice. There have been unprecedented killings during the last two years but the Government has remained unmoved. Why cant we have a country wide crack down against these terrorists. Obviously this corrupt Government does not have the requisite political will and moral authority to handle the terrorists squarely. This Government has diverted all its attention and energies towards fighting its corruption cases in the Supreme court. The media and saner elements in the country have enormous responsibility to bring pressure on the Government and force them to take strict action against these terrorists.

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