Original Articles Urdu Articles

Written by the ISI, adapted by Syed Talat Hussain


Dear critical readers,

Would you like to review an op-ed whose content was developed in Islamabad’s Aabpara office (of the ISI), which was then adapted as a newspaper column by a “leading” Pakistani journalist?

Here is a classical example of one such op-ed written in defence of the Punjabi Taliban by Syed Talat Hussain, “Chief of Aaj New Staff”, and a “populist” TV anchor in Pakistan.

In the main, Talat Hussain suggests that:

1. While there may not be a “full of conspiracy link” (sazish se bhara hua talluq) between those who are demanding for an operation clean up against terrorists of Taliban / Sipah-e-Sahaba in Punjab and the increasing level of terrorist activities in the province, the proponents of the operation clean up in Punjab will refer to the Data Darbar attack to further their arguments. (And why should not they?)

2. The attack on Data Darbar does not have a sectarian motive. (In other words, Talat Hussain is not ready to believe that a sectarian motive is behind the fact that Shias are being killed in their Imam Bargahs and Muharram processions, Barelvis are being killed in their 12 Rabiul Awwal processions and also in Sufi shrines, Ahmadis are being killed while offering Friday prayers etc).

3. The last sentence in Talat Hussain’s op-ed is very interesting. He writes:

“The tragic attack on Data Darba has no relation whatsoever with the Darbar nor with sectarianism. It is in fact an invitation to start military action against the Taliban in Punjab.”

This is the last sentence through which Talat Hussain completely and utterly exposed his real motive and the pro-ISI agenda. In other words he is saying that: the Taliban are not responsible for the Data Darbar attack, therefore, do NOT start an operation clean up against them in Punjab.

Our wise men in Khakis are hell bent on finding all possible excuses to avoid a possible military action against jihadi and sectarian terrorists in Punjab. Punjab is the most fertile recruitment ground for various jihadi and sectarian organisations including Deobandi Taliban and Sipah-e-Sahaba and Wahhabi Lashkar-e-Taiba. Indeed, how could the ISI (Pakistan Army) lead an action against its own assets in Punjab?

Well done, Talat. You are performing your duties according to your brief!

Related articles: Talat Hussain Archive on LUBP:

Written by the ISI, adapted by Syed Talat Hussain – by Abdul Nishapuri
https://lubpak.net/archives/17407

Farrukh Sohail Goindi’s letter about Syed Talat Hussain
https://lubpak.net/archives/12747

An open letter to Talat Hussain: Will you lead a Freedom Flotilla to stranded Shias in Pakistan’s Gaza, Parachinar?
https://lubpak.net/archives/12380

Faisal Shahzad’s case and Pakistan’s conspiracy brigade
https://lubpak.net/archives/10640

Commenters expose Talat Hussain’s hypocrisy!
https://lubpak.net/archives/9776

Three pictures, a column and the mindset of Syed Talat Hussain
https://lubpak.net/archives/5977

Clinton’s encounter with media and Talat Hussain’s $640 million mistake
https://lubpak.net/archives/1576

Hillary Clinton’s meeting with the ‘ghairatmand’ journalists: A summary
https://lubpak.net/archives/1571

About the author

SK

16 Comments

Click here to post a comment
  • سیّد ہجویر مخدوم امم….ناتمام…ہارون الرشید

    ان قاتلوں نے اگرشیخِ ہجویر کے مرقد کو ہدف بنانے کا فیصلہ کیا جو مذہب کے نام پر انسانوں کے ریوڑ بنانے کے آرزومند ہیں تو تعجب کیا۔ مذہبی نہیں ، ان کا ایجنڈہ سیاسی ہے۔ اسی لیے برہمن اور ملحد تو انہیں گوارا ہیں لیکن قائد اعظم کے پاکستان سے وہ نفرت کرتے ہیں ۔

    دہشت گردوں کا پیغام واضح ہے: اگر پاکستانی ریاست نے ان کی فکر کے مطابق اپنی ترجیحات تبدیل نہ کیں تو وہ اسے تباہ کر دیں گے۔ فرض کیجیے کہ نام نہاد طالبان کی ترجیحات درست ہیں، فرض کیجیے پاک فوج پر اس کے حملے بھی لیکن داتا دربار پہ خوب سوچ سمجھ کر کی جانے والی خود کش مہم کا جواز کیا ہے؟ سالِ گذشتہ بھی انہوں نے خیبر پختون خواہ کے بعض مزاروں کو ہدف کیا تھا۔ ان مزاروں سے انہیں خطرہ کیا ہے

    http://jang.com.pk/jang/jul2010-daily/03-07-2010/col4.htm

  • تحریک پاکستان کے دوران تمام مسلمان اپنے اپنے مسلک سے بالاتر ہو کر وحدت کی ایک ہی لڑی میں پروئے گئے تھے۔ اس وقت بھی ملاؤں کی اکثریت تحریک پاکستان اور قائد اعظم کے خلاف تھی۔ ہر ایک اپنی حیثیت کے مطابق قیام پاکستان کی مخالفت میں پیش پیش تھا۔ جتنے ملا حضرات آج بڑھ چڑھ کر پاکستان کے مالک اور وارث بنے بیٹھے ہیں، اگر ان میں اخلاقی جرات ہوتی تو قیام پاکستان کے بعد سیاست سے توبہ کر لیتے اور زندگی کا باقی حصہ خدا کی یاد میں گزارتے۔

    لیکن بظاہر دین کے ان علمبرداروں میں سے بیشتر دنیا داری اور مفادپرستی میں آلودہ ہوتے ہیں اور اپنے مقاصد کے لئے دیگر مسالک کے خلاف زہر اگلتے ہیں، جو درحقیقت کاروباری حربہ ہے۔ ایسا کر کے وہ دوسرے مسالک کی ”مارکیٹ“ خراب کر کے اپنی مارکیٹ کی قدر بڑھاتے ہیں۔ مقصد محض یہ ہوتا ہے کہ زیادہ لوگ ان کی طرف آئیں اور ان کا کاروبار ز یادہ چمکے۔

    دین کی خدمت ان کا مقصد ہو، تو وہ ہر کلمہ گو کو ایک ہی نظر سے دیکھیں اور ہر وہ شخص جو رسول اللہﷺ کے آخری نبی ہونے پر یقین رکھتا ہے، اس کو اپنا بھائی تصور کریں۔ کیونکہ اسلام کا حکم یہی ہے۔ مگر وہ ایسا نہیں کرتے۔

    جب میں تحریک پاکستان کے دنوں کو یاد کرتا ہوں، تو قائد اعظم کی قیادت میں جمع ہونے والے تمام لوگ فرقہ بندیوں سے آزاد ہوتے تھے۔ کوئی تقسیم نہیں تھی۔ کوئی تفرقہ نہیں تھا۔ سب ایک دوسرے کے عقیدوں اور مسالک کا احترام کیا کرتے تھے۔

    فرقہ بندی نے اس وقت سر اٹھایا، جب پاکستان کی مخالفت کرنے والے ملاؤں نے پہلے اپنی پاکستان دشمنی کی یادیں بھلانے کے لئے لوپروفائل میں رہ کر وقت گزارا۔ جب دیکھا کہ لوگ ان کی پاکستان دشمنی کو بھولنے لگے ہیں، تو پہلے انہوں نے اپنے ماضی کی کارستانیوں کی وضاحتیں کیں۔ ایک عرصے تک دفاعی پوزیشن میں رہے اور جب پاکستانی عوام نے انہیں برداشت کرنا شروع کیا تو یہ تحریک پاکستان میں حصہ دار بننے لگے اور دیکھتے ہی دیکھتے ایک نظریہ پاکستان ایجاد کر کے پاکستان کے ٹھیکیدار بن بیٹھے ہیں۔

    جیسے ہی ان کے اثرات پھیلنے لگے، ان کی کاروباری صلاحیتیں نمایاں ہوئیں اور یہ بالکل دکانداروں کی طرح ایک دوسرے کے عقائد کو اسی طرح غلط قرار دینے لگے، جیسے کوئی صنعتکار دوسری مصنوعات کو ناقص قرار دے کر اپنے مال کو سراہتا ہے۔

    ملاؤں کی اسی دکانداری نے لوگوں کو اپنے ہی بھائیوں کے خلاف بھڑکانا شروع کیا اور ہر کوئی دوسرے کو واجب القتل قرار دینے لگا۔ میں ہمیشہ سے ایک بات لکھتا ہوں کہ جب ریاست کو مذہبی بنایا جائے گا، تو اس میں مذہبی منافرتیں بھی در آئیں گی اور چونکہ ریاست اور سیاست میں دولت اور اختیار ہوتا ہے، اس لئے مذہب کے ٹھیکیدار ریاست اور دولت پر قبضے کے لئے ہر حربہ استعمال کریں گے اور اپنی ہر حرکت کے جواز میں مذہب کا نام استعمال کریں گے۔

    یہ کام شروع ہو چکا ہے۔ پہلے ایک مسلک کے لوگوں کو کافر قرار دیا گیا۔ پھر دوسرے مسلک والے کافر ٹھہرے اور اب ایک ہی مسلک کے لوگ دوسرا نقطہ نظر رکھنے والوں کو کافر کہنے لگے ہیں۔

    دہشت گردی کی جو لعنت اسلام کے پردے میں نمودار ہوئی، اس میں عربوں کے اندر پیدا ہونے والا ایک گروہ پاکستان میں گھس آیا، جسے تکفیری کہا جاتا ہے۔ میں اپنے کالموں میں اس گروہ کی نشاندہی کرتا رہا ہوں۔ اس گروہ کے لوگ اپنے سوا سب کو کافر سمجھتے ہیں اور انہیں قتل کرنا کارثواب تصور کرتے ہیں۔ جو بچے اور نو عمر لڑکے ان کے فریب میں آ جاتے ہیں۔ یہ انہیں باقی دنیا سے کاٹ کر اس طرح الگ تھلگ کر دیتے ہیں کہ وہ نہ کسی کو مل سکتے ہیں نہ باہر کی دنیا میں کسی سے بات کر سکتے ہیں اور نہ کسی دوسرے کے خیالات سے آگاہ ہو سکتے ہیں۔ ان کی اس طرح برین واشنگ کی جاتی ہے کہ وہ کسی بھی بڑے ہجوم میں خودکش حملہ کرنے کے لئے تیار ہو جاتے ہیں اور انہیں یقین ہوتا ہے کہ یہ قاتلانہ حملہ کر کے وہ سیدھے جنت میں جائیں گے۔

    شمالی وزیرستان میں تکفیریوں کا ایک پورا نیٹ ورک کام کر رہا ہے۔ داتا دربار پر وحشیانہ حملے کے بعد عام شہریوں کا ردعمل یہ تھا کہ ”یہ کیسے مسلمان ہیں جو اپنے ہی بھائیوں کا خون بہا رہے ہیں؟“ یہ بات سوفیصد درست ہے۔ حقیقت میں یہ تکفیری ٹولہ مسلمانوں کے ہر مسلک اور فرقے کو غلط اور گمراہ سمجھتا ہے۔ اپنے سوا کسی کو مسلمان نہیں مانتا۔ سب کو قتل کرنا اس کے عقیدے کا حصہ ہے۔

    پاکستان میں ان کا وجود نہیں تھا۔ یہ افغان جہاد کے پردے میں ہماری سرزمین پر وارد ہوئے اور اب یہاں اپنے خفیہ مراکز بنا کر بیٹھ گئے ہیں۔ طالبان کے نام پر کام کرنے والی کوئی سیاسی تحریک ان سے واسطہ نہیں رکھتی اور نہ ہی افغانستان اور پاکستان کے اندر بحالی امن کے لئے ہونے والا کوئی انتظام ان کی سرگرمیوں کا خاتمہ کر سکے گا۔

    یہ گمراہوں کا ایک چھوٹا سا لیکن بے حد منظم ٹولہ ہے، جسے طالبان اور تمام مذہبی مسالک سے علیحدہ کر کے دیکھنا ہو گا اور اس سلسلے میں خفیہ ایجنسیوں کو متحرک اور عوام کو منظم کرنا پڑے گا۔ یاد رہے مذہبی دکاندار ان مخصوص دہشت گردوں سے اپنے اپنے مفادات کے تحت بھی کام لیتے ہیں۔

    لیکن داتا دربار کے دھماکے خالص مذہبی جنونیوں کا کام لگتا ہے۔ یہ دربار‘ جو درحقیقت ایک وسیع و عریض مسجد ہے۔ یہاں جمعرات کی شام لوگ عبادات کے لئے جمع ہوتے ہیں۔ کوئی تلاوت کرتا ہے۔ کوئی حمد پڑھتا ہے۔ کوئی نعت پڑھتا ہے۔ کوئی وظیفے پڑھتا ہے اور کوئی خاموش بیٹھ کر دل ہی دل میں خدا کو یاد کرتا ہے۔ سب اپنے اپنے طریقے کے مطابق اللہ تعالیٰ کو خوش کرنے میں لگے ہوتے ہیں۔ ایسے پاکیزہ اجتماع میں دھماکہ کرنے کا حوصلہ صرف وہی شخص کر سکتا ہے‘ جو ساری دنیا کو غلط اور خود کو برحق سمجھتا ہو۔

    ایسے لوگ صرف تکفیری گروہ میں ہوتے ہیں۔ مسلمانوں کا کوئی فرقہ ایسی وحشت و درندگی کا مظاہرہ نہیں کر سکتا۔ہمارے تمام تفتیشی اداروں کو سیاسی اور روایتی دہشت گردوں کی بجائے‘ تکفیری نیٹ ورک کی طرف دیکھنا چاہیے۔ اگر یہ لوگ نہ پکڑے گئے‘ تو پاکستان میں کوئی درگاہ‘ کوئی مزار محفوظ نہیں رہے گا۔ یہ ایک سلسلے کی ابتدا ہے۔ اسے دہشت گردی کی روایتی مہم سے علیحدہ کر کے دیکھنا چاہیے۔جگہ کا انتخاب بھی خالص تکفیری ذہن کی نشاندہی کرتا ہے۔ لاہور پاکستان کا دل ہے اور داتا دربار لاہور کا دل ہے اور یہ دھماکہ ہمارے دل میں کیا گیا ہے۔

    دل میں دھماکہ ….سویرے سویرے …نذیرناجی
    http://search.jang.com.pk/details.asp?nid=447094

  • Attacking the ‘spirit’ of Lahore

    Lahore is often called ‘Data ki nagri’ (Data’s abode) because of the shrine of Syed Abul Hassan Ali Hajvery, more commonly known as Hazrat Data Ganj Bakhsh. The three suicide attacks that rocked Data Darbar (Data’s shrine) on Thursday night shook the entire nation. More than 40 people were killed while more than a hundred others were injured after the atrocious attacks on the shrine of one of the most renowned sufis of the subcontinent. It is indeed a horrible tragedy that a sufi saint’s shrine had to bear the brunt of such gruesome violence, something the sufis have always denounced. The attack on Data Darbar is not just an attack on a shrine; it is an attack on our values. This attack was a reiteration of the open declaration of war by the extremists against all the tolerant sections of society.

    For the past few years, we have seen a spate of terrorist attacks on security personnel as well as civilians all over the country. Many a time these terrorists have attacked places of worship and religious congregations. Sufi shrines have not been spared either, like that of Rahman Baba and Mian Umar Baba in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Data Darbar was an obvious target for the terrorists, many of whom profess the Wahabi and Salafi school of thought and consider it un-Islamic to pay homage to sufi shrines and cite it as ‘shirk’ (associating partners with God) and ‘bidat’ (innovation in religion). Thursday nights are the busiest at all shrines — there are special qawwali and dhamaal sessions, ‘langar’ (food) is distributed and people gather to worship on the eve of Friday. Shrines also serve as shelter for many homeless. The interior ministry had informed the provincial authorities about an impending terrorist attack in Lahore just this week. If this was not reason enough to provide proper security to one of the most famous sufi shrines in the city, then we do not know what more does the provincial government need. Protests were held all over Pakistan against the attack on Data Darbar. Religious scholars called for the resignations of Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif, Punjab Law Minister Rana Sanaullah and other officials. We know that tempers are high, but to be fair to the Punjab government, nobody asked the ANP government to step down after the sufi shrines were attacked in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. That said, the Punjab government must stop its ostrich-like attitude when it comes to Punjabi terrorists. The time to live in denial has ended. Now is the time to take action and launch a crackdown on all militant outfits.

    No Pakistani, especially Lahoris, would tolerate such an attack on their beloved saint’s shrine. Maybe this is why the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has denied any involvement in this attack. Even if it is not directly involved in the recent carnage, there is a possibility that an offshoot group of the TTP is behind it, or at least one of the panoply of like-minded terrorist groups. A 16-year old boy, Usman, hailing from Lahore has been identified as one of the suicide bombers. It is a grave injustice to the sufi saints of the subcontinent that a citizen of Data’s nagri has fallen prey to an ideology that was abhorred by them. A sufi’s message is of love, tolerance, inclusiveness, acceptance, transcending the material world, and universal brotherhood. Sufis are the epitome of peace and tolerance and their beautiful message cuts across the grain of religious exclusiveness. In the words of the great sufi poet, Rumi, “The nation of love differs from all others, lovers bear allegiance to no nation or sect.”
    Editorial, Saturday, July 03, 2010
    http://dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=201073\story_3-7-2010_pg3_1

  • These so called intellectuals used to say that there is no Taliban in Sawat (before Swat Shariat/Operation ) There was strong propaganda by our analyst in the media that India is behind all the blasts in schools later they start supporting Fazlullah and his Shariat .
    These so called analysts opposes Operation in Sawat ,now Sawat is peaceful and no blast in schools ,no more killings ..Were are the indian agents ? Fazlullah ,Sufi ,or Muslim khan were Indian /RAW agents ? or True Muslims want to bring “Islami Inqilab ” ?

    Now there is still denial on terrorism issues ,Every day they come up with new idea to defend them .

    Pakistan lagta hay aik pagal khana ban gaya hay

  • From PTH:

    State of Denial And Apologetic Defense Continues……
    Jump to Comments
    By Raza Habib Raja

    The attacks on the Sufi Shrine

    The horrific details of the attacks on the Sufi shrine of Hazrat Ali Hajvery (also known as Data Gunj Baksh) are beginning to settle in. Terrorist have now struck in the middle of the monument of a tolerant mystic version of Islam. As expected the condemnation is widespread but as usual accusation is misplaced. While going through various websites, I came to know (without surprise of course) that the Pakistani public was generally pointing fingers at the “usual suspect”: United States of America. In fact Yahoo News had made it one of its main page stories that Pakistanis were blaming USA for the attacks at the holy shrine of Hazrat Ali Hajvery.

    An interesting development was that Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) was quick to deny that it was behind it. Some of the Pakistanis are actually using that denial as a proof that foreign powers are behind this blast. The irony is that the same public which is ready to believe the current denial of TTP does not believe when the same TTP claims responsibility!!!! Its really ironic that when TTP claims responsibility for every blast, we think it is a grand conspiracy and when it denies involvement, we are ready to believe!!

    No matter what kind of evidence is presented , our public’s response always end up being broadly under either of the two categories: outright denial according to which it is a grand conspiracy of the West; and apologetic defense where the attacks are construed as the reaction of USA’s presence in Afghanistan and its other atrocities. While the later response is less absurd but is equally dangerous as it creates a soft corner for the monsters instead of much needed revulsion. And furthermore it makes it even more difficult to understand how literal Wahabi version of Islam is creating havoc with our faith.

    Both the responses are slightly variant outcomes of the same mindset. One has to just have a critical approach to bring out the absurdities in both the largely held point of views.

    First let’s take conspiracy theories. Muslim world in general and the Pakistan’s educated public in particular, truly excel in the art of coming up with amazingly complex conspiracy theories. According to these conspiracy theories everything in Pakistan, particularly disruptive things, are planned in Washington and with active consultation of Israel and India. The theories display amazing combination of permanence and progressiveness. Permanence is shown in the eventual blame which keeps affixed on USA and progressiveness is in the interpretation of changing facts and ground realities where it is amended in fantastic ways to reach the same conclusion. . Consider this: In 1990s the entire public and media were praising Taliban. When Clinton attacked Osama’s bases through cruise missiles in late 1990s, Nawaz Sharif almost lost his government and had to bring “shariah” laws to survive. At that point Taliban were heroes and robin hoods which had defied the “imperialist” USA. Then 9/11 happened. All the media was busy absolving Osama of terrorism and I remember the title of a lead English weekly magazine” Guilty unless proved Innocent”. Then Osama on video accepted responsibility and suddenly the very same media started branding him an agent of USA. After 9/11 whatever happened whether in Pakistan (multiple suicide attacks and Benazir’s assassination), India (Mumbai bomb blasts and attacks in November 2008) and UK (7/7 attacks), was interpreted as US conspiracy to blame Taliban and Pakistan with the eventual aim to take control of nuclear arsenal. In the past we have just kept on changing spins to be consistent with our preconceived conclusion. Just a chronological arrangement, such as above, is enough to show how absurd these theories are!

    But what may be the reason for this? The reasons in my opinion are manifold and some are imbedded in our cognitive framework while rest are the outcome of international events and the actual behaviour of foreign players.

    First of all, conspiracy theories appeal to our fundamental and deeply held conviction that a Muslim cannot do anything which would bring a bad name to Islam and lead to adverse consequences to the Muslim community. Moreover, apparently the more fundamentalist you are in your appearance, harder it is for the public to actually believe that you are capable of these actions. This may explain why it was difficult for the public to believe that Taliban were behind anything and all was US propaganda. And it also makes sense as to why they are now interpreted as “agents” or bifurcated between “good” and “bad” Taliban once it has become clear bombers are indeed Muslims. Now according to our media “experts” there are some bad Taliban who have been bought over by Western powers and they are very different from “good” Taliban such as Mullah Omar.

    Secondly, we always link consequences with origination. Since terrorism “benefits” West because it defames Islam and gives them a justification to retaliate, therefore in our logic it must have been solely planned by them. In our country, the nuclear issue is extremely sensitive and somehow or the other assumed a central place due to our inherent insecurities and also crisis of identity. Moreover, the nuclear arsenal is perhaps the only thing which actually elevates Pakistan to at least a factor to reckon with at the global stage. It’s no wonder that every terrorist activity is then conveniently linked with the global conspiracy to destabilize Pakistan with the ultimate objective of taking hold of nuclear arsenal. Now there is merit in this thought that Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal would always be giving the US and the West sleepless nights but to give these amazing spins that al-Qaeda is planted by USA and suicide attacks are planned and carried by USA alone is really mind boggling and moreover self contradictory. Because if Al-Qaeda and Taliban are indeed planted then military action in FATA would actually eliminate these agents and deprive US of the justification to take military action to neutralize the nuclear assets.

    Thirdly, the conspiracy theories also owe their existence (though not the extent of their weirdness) to foreign powers’ actual way of dealing which has always been oppressive and suspicious. The flimsy case of war in Iraq has merely strengthened and worst still apparently provided some sellable legitimacy to the conspiracy theorists. Whenever there is any question to authenticity to fantastic theories, the Iraq war and US general way of handling crisis is cited as justification. As a result self contradictory theories which brand militants as US agents and yet resist government crackdown by labelling it as US war, find acceptability in the public.

    Now regarding the second and increasingly widely held point of view that terrorism is merely a result of American presence. I will ask simple questions here. If tomorrow USA leaves Afghanistan will this extremism stop? Secondly, if everything is just a reaction, what will explain the Punjabi Taliban? After all we can link Afghan and Tribal area Taliban with this “revenge” approach but what about the variety which has been creating havoc in Lahore. In fact after continuous denial, finally the Punjab Government is partially admitting that they have a local version of the monsters.

    Now if you think that if drone attacks kill people in tribal areas and as a reaction some fanatics in Punjab are getting aggrieved and blowing themselves in Holy Shrines, then clearly there is some logical fallacy in your thinking pattern. Moreover, even if one believes this “reaction” theory, is the killing of innocent MUSLIMS justified? Why are we so naïve that we cannot see this obvious truth? Why we are ready to condemn drone attacks which are much more targeted and totally unable to condemn when far more people are killed by monsters like Taliban?

    Unless and until we are able to condemn the monsters we will never be able to win this war against extremism. We need to feel revulsion against them and we will only feel it when we start looking more critically at things. Any society has to indulge into an honest intellectual discourse at the time of crisis. Unfortunately, we as a nation not only resist it, but are completely blinded to our own faults. Unless and until we indulge in serious self introspection, we will continue to fall into this mayhem. We need to encourage tolerance and intellectual openness, without which there will be no room for a pluralistic culture and a milder version of our great religion.

    http://pakteahouse.wordpress.com/2010/07/03/state-of-denial-and-apologetic-defense-continues%E2%80%A6%E2%80%A6/

  • @Nishapura Sahab ,
    I did not know that Mohammad Hanif already declared Pakistan a Pagal Khana ,Why I called pagal khana because of the insane and stupid intellectuals driving people’s mind from the media and people start believing them

  • Nishapuri sahab,

    I’ll be glad to see the proofs backing your claim of the article being engineered by the ISI. Or is it that everything you dont seem to agree with has a ‘conspiracy’ behind it?

    Pakistanis after the latest attack on the Data Darbar have started talking in sectarian terms. Your blog is a good example where sectarian bullshit is being promoted. Whatelse does the enemy want? Whoever they are , they’ve won.

    Talat Hussain is quite a balanced person. He has the right to express his views like you are doing here while dividing Pakistani instead of building it. Please don’t paint every media person you don’t like as a secret ISI agent or a terrorist sympathiser. Who knows about your links!

    Thanks.

  • Discussing sectarian violence is not promoting it ,This is Exposing of Sectarian Mullas and their agenda ,We have been hiding this and this cancer was growing inside .
    We should respect others and promote tolerance but now its the time to expose these fasadi mullas .

  • @Natasha, If you are waiting for Talat Hussain to deliver a speech in Rawalpindi’s Raja Bazar admitting to his links with the ISI, that is not going to happen.

    Naqal-e-kufr kufr na bashid. Exposing and confronting violent sectarian agenda of Sipah-e-Sahaba , Taliban etc is not sectarianism. It is in fact a service to Pakistan and Islam.

  • Backgrounder on Bombing of Data Darbar Shrine in Lahore, Pakistan
    The bombing of the Data Darbar shrine–tomb of the Sufi master Datta Ganj Bahksh–in Lahore, the capital of Pakistan’s Punjab province, is a big deal.

    It’s like setting off a bomb in St. Patrick’s Cathedral.

    Data Durban is at the core of Punjabi cultural identity.

    When Nawaz Sharif returned to Pakistan from exile in Saudi Arabia to join the general election contest in 2008, one of his first acts was to pay a high profile visit to Data Darbar. (For comparison purposes, Benazir Bhutto patronized a Sufi shrine at Qalandar in her family’s power base in Sindh.)

    The visit not only cemented Sharif’s image as a son of Punjab–his electoral base. It also showed that he was not in thrall to the anti-Sufi bigotry of his Saudi Wahabbi patrons.

    The Deobandi school of Islam to which the Taliban subscribe view Sufi observance as a form of heresy. Indeed, Deobandi doctrine emerged as a reaction to Sufism and still retains some Sufi elements, particularly in the areas of charismatic leadership (the Taliban expects miracles of living exemplars like Mullah Omar, not dead mystics).

    Sufism also has its political element, since the guardians of Sufi shrines–the pirs–are a bulwark of the conservative power structure.

    The Data Darbar atrocity may have been committed by the little-known Punjab Taliban as part of an effort to shatter the religious and social foundations of the province. Or it may have been a conventional Taliban operation to punish Pakistan for its acquiescence to US-led military campaigns and drone strikes on the Afghan frontier.

    Interestingly, the Punjab Taliban disavowed responsibility for the attack, though this may have been simply a response the widespread revulsion the attack evoked throughout the province. Via The News:

    PESHAWAR: The Punjabi Taliban on Friday denied their involvement in the devastating terrorist attacks at the Data Darbar in Lahore and condemned the killing of innocent worshippers in the shrine and the adjacent mosque.

    Also, the Urdu-speaking militants’ spokesman termed the suicide attacks as acts of intelligence agencies and the US security firm Blackwater aimed at tarnishing the image of Mujahideen.

    “We cannot even think of taking the life of a single innocent human-being. This brutality to defame the Mujahideen should be expected from spy agencies and Blackwater,” Mohammad Omar, the spokesman for the Punjabi Taliban, stressed. Omar called The News from an undisclosed location to clarify the position of his militant organisation, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, about the Lahore attacks.

    So did the Pakistani Taliban, according to the Daily Times:

    TTP denies role in Lahore blasts

    MIRANSHAH: The Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) on Friday denied any involvement in a triple suicide bombing on the Data Darbar shrine in Lahore that killed 42 people and wounded 175 others. “We are not responsible for these attacks, this is a conspiracy by foreign secret agencies, you know we do not attack public places,” Azam Tariq, a spokesman for the TTP told AFP by telephone from an undisclosed location. “We condemn this brutal act. Our target is very clear and we only attack police, army and other security personnel,” he added. No one has claimed responsibility for the attack in Lahore, a cultural hub considered a playground for the country’s elite and home to many military and intelligence top brass.
    If the attack was a Pakistan or Punjab Taliban plot to spark a sectarian war inside Pakistan, they’ve changed their tack pretty quickly.

    No denials from the Afghan Taliban yet.

    In any case, AP reported a remarkable deficit in Taliban-directed outrage. Anger has focused on the security and policy shortcomings of the Pakistan government.

    It might have something to do with a Pakistan perception that they are being asked to endure the consequences of religiously-defined Pashtun extremists, while unable to deal with the root cause of the problem.

    Pakistani opinion seems to believe that a successful war of extermination against extremist Pashtuns, either in Afghanistan or in Pakistan’s NWFP and tribal areas, is doomed to failure. All things being equal, I think that they would prefer to struggle against Taliban extremism by unambiguously occupying the moral and tactical high ground of religious moderation in a purely domestic political and social struggle.

    Currently, the anti-Taliban campaign in Pakistan is hopelessly tangled up with the U.S. effort in Afghanistan to prop up a government perceived as pro-US and pro-Indian in order to exclude the Taliban from power.

    Given the conspicuous if temporary faltering of the US effort in Afghanistan, Pakistanis might be questioning if its worth enduring such savage blowback from US drone attacks and military operations just to give the Karzai regime a few more months in office until the whole US adventure collapses or, as appears more likely, he negotiates a political settlement with the Afghan Taliban.

    I think many Pakistanis feel that, if the Taliban returned to Kabul, it might be bad for Afghanistan but good for Pakistan. The Taliban, secure in Afghanistan and no longer needing havens in the Tribal Areas, would be able to accommodate their patrons in the Pakistani intelligence services and rein in the indigenous Taliban movements inside NWFP, Punjab, and Karachi. Taliban extremism does not travel well beyond its Pashtun heartland, the theory goes, and could be sliced and diced, divided and conquered, and rolled back to the mountains.

    This may explain why Nawaz Sharif and his brother Shahbaz, Chief Minister of Punjab, have yet to weigh in with an outraged denunciation of the forces suspected of executing the bombing. Sharif’s PML-N, though secular, pointedly distances itself from U.S. policy goals in Afghanistan and has been suspected of a willingness to work with and accommodate Islamic extremist parties.

    I haven’t seen any statements by Nawaz Sharif in the Pakistani press similar to the rather brave condemnation he made of attacks on Ahmadis–an Islamicist sect explicitly disenfranchised by the Pakistan constitution for some spectacular and unpopular heresies– by extremists on May 29. Organized assaults killed 100–twice the number of fatalities as inflicted at the Data Darbar horror–at two Ahmadi mosques in Lahore.

    The dominant confession in Pakistan’s urbanized heartland is Barelvi–a pacifistic Sunni sect sympathetic to Sufism–not Deoband.

    However, the minority Deobands punch far above their weight in Pakistan politics, thanks to government intelligence agency sponsorship (a by-product of the whole Pashtun/Afghanistan strategy), support from Saudi Arabia, and violent tendencies that, in the context of Pakistan’s impoverished society and corrupted polity, resonate with too many unhappy people.

    Local media reported that the Punjab police had succeeded in apprehending some miscreants involved in the May 29 attacks. The extremists are astoundingly well-equipped. Police seized 100 assault rifles, 18 suicide vests and more than 40,000 pounds of explosives during their raids.

    Below the fold, more background on the religious landscape in Pakistan mined from two previous posts, Things Fall Apart (covering a similar attack on the most important Sufi shrine in NWFP, that of Rehman Baba, in March 2009) and Blood on the Moon (a discussion on how skirmishes over how to determine the appearance of the new moon and end of Ramadan reveal dangerous religious rifts within Pakistan). Interested readers can click on the links for the full articles and hyperlinks.

    Taliban and Deoband vs. Sufi and Barelvi

    Sufi-tinged Islamic religious practice in non-Pashtun areas of Pakistan—and indeed, in much of South Asia–is formalized in a largely pacifist and mystical strain of orthodox Sunni Islam known as Barelvi, named after the town of Bareilly in Uttar Pradesh, India..

    Like the Deoband school, Barelvi observance emerged as an expression of religious thought in response to British colonial rule and the perceived crisis of Islam in late eighteenth and early nineteenth century India.

    The Barelvi school’s founder, Ahmad Raza Khan guaranteed lasting hostility between his school and the Deobands by issuing fatwas declaring them–and for good measure Saudi Arabia’s Wahabis–to be apostates.

    Globalsecurity.com describes the striking ethnic divide between the Deobandi practices of the Pashtun areas with the Sufi and Barelvi-related practices of Punjab:

    The non-Pakhtun population of Pakistan is predominantly Barelvi. The stronghold of Barelvism remains Punjab, the largest province of Pakistan. By one estimate, in Pakistan, the Shias are 18%,Iismailis 2%, Ahmediyas 2%, Barelvis 50%, Deobandis 20%, Ahle Hadith 4%, and other minorities 4%. … By another estimate some 15 per cent of Pakistan’s Sunni Muslims would consider themselves Deobandi, and some 60 per cent, are in the Barelvi tradition based mostly in the province of Punjab.

    Although the Deobandi school may only represent the religious observance of one out of five Pakistanis and is concentrated in the poorest frontier regions, it presents itself as the arbiter of Islamic orthodoxy and legitimacy inside Pakistan.

    The anonymous author of the Global Security profile stated:

    …some 64 per cent of the total seminaries are run by Deoband is, 25 per cent by the Barelvis, six percent by the Ahle Hadith and three percent by various Shiite organisations.

    Sufi and Barelvi practices that Deoband-affiliated Pashtun militants consider heretical–and the local power structure they support–present a tempting target to the Taliban as it seeks to capitalize on the poverty and anger roiling the immense underclass of Pakistan’s heartland.

    In other words, the Deoband practice of Islam, especially in its harsh, militant, and politicized form in NWFP, and the widespread, Sufi-oriented Barelvi popular religion of Pakistan would seem to be on a collision course.

    One of the most disturbing developments in a year full of disturbing developments in the NWFP was the bombing of the tomb of Rehman Baba, the province’s most revered Sufi saint, in March 2009. This explicit attack on a religious institution that had no strategic significance but was one that the Taliban consider heterodox, may well be a harbinger of violence—and politics of division– to come.

    If the conflict comes, the Barelvi are likely to be outgunned.

    The Pashtun Deobandi are militant, supported by zakat (Islamic charity contributions) from Saudi Arabia, and have numerous friends and supporters within Pakistan’s security apparatus.

    The pacifist, underfunded, and underorganized Barelvi—with the exception of the reliably violent MQM in Karachi—appear to be reliant upon Pakistan’s rickety and equivocal civilian government to take the battle to the Taliban.

    When the Barelvi attempt to stand up to the Taliban themselves, bad things happen.

    A brave Barelvi cleric and head of one of the largest madrassahs in Pakistan, Dr. Sarfraz Hussain Naeemi, organized twenty Barelvi Sunni organizations into Tahaffuz-e-Namoos-e-Risalat Mahaz (TNRM). TNRM was intended as a counterweight to the Deobands and to support Pakistan’s civilian government in its military campaigns against the Taliban in Swat and in other sections of the NWFP and FATA.

    On June 12, 2009, Dr. Naeemi, who had coordinated a committee of Islamic clerics that declared suicide bombing as haram or forbidden by Islamic law (he had already issued a fatwa against suicide bombing in 2005 in his individual capacity), was himself murdered by a suicide bomber in his office at his madrassah in Lahore after Friday prayers.

    Baitullah Mehsud’s Pakistan Taliban organization, Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan, claimed responsibility for the murder, and for a near simultaneous suicide attack that pancaked a mosque in a garrison town near Peshawar and killed five.

    The security lapses surrounding Dr. Naeemi’s death were described by the Pakistan Tribune in sufficiently circumstantial detail to give the impression that the government was, at best, asleep at the switch.

    The police sources also confirmed to our sources lapses in providing security cover to the respected cleric. Police sources, requesting anonymity, disclosed that one ASI and 10 constables were sent to Jamia Naeemia every Friday to provide security cover to the worshippers. However, this Friday only two constables of the Muhafiz Force had been deployed there.

    … according to sources, the police later wrote a fake report in the Roznamcha (official diary) of the Police Chowki Bibi Pak Daman…

    … Dr Sarfraz had been receiving threatening calls for the past many days and ironically no security was provided to him as well as the place where he lived…

    According to the Jamia administration, only two policemen were deployed outside the Madrassa for frisking the visitors coming for the Juma prayers. Both the policemen left the place right after the Juma prayers, providing the attacker an opportunity to enter the premises unchecked, alleged the administration.

    Dawn’s report on Dr. Naeemi’s funeral provides the requisite ironic coda:

    Strict security measures were taken in and around Nasser Bagh with the deployment of 1,000 policemen, while 5,000 cops were put on alert across the city to avoid any untoward incident. No politician or top government official attended the funeral reportedly because of security concerns.

    While the demands and priorities of the Deoband establishment receive anxious attention from the federal government, the Barelvi appear to be ignored.

    Via All Things Pakistan comes the sad news that the Pakistan Taliban blew up the tomb of the revered 17th century Pashtun poet and Sufi saint Rehman Baba near Peshawar in the North West Frontier Province on March 5.

    Rehman Baba’s tomb was targeted because it was a Sufi shrine, anathema to the Taliban brand of Islamic fundamentalism.

    Sufism is a mystical form of Islam that emphasizes the possibility of transcendent religious experience in this lifetime through the assistance of a charismatic teacher. Possibly, Sufism represents an attempt to reconcile traditional local religious practices with Islam as the latter swept across North Africa and South Asia.

    Pakistan is dotted with the tombs of Sufi teachers and poets, which are popularly regarded as shrines and opportunities to obtain some kind of spiritual assistance, similar to the role that saints and relics play in popular Catholic practice.

    As such, Sufism has always skirted close to idolatry or shirk in the eyes of Muslims cleaving to the absolute monotheism of orthodox Islam. The Salafi school of Islam and its strict sub-set of Wahabbism championed by Saudi Arabia (and famously practiced by Osama bin Laden) are notoriously hostile to Sufism. “Quburriyah”—apparently a contemptuous Arabic epithet meaning “tomb worshipers”—is used on Islamist websites to characterize Sufism.

    Within Pakistan, there also appears to be a distinct desire to attribute the anti-Sufi campaign to the influence of Arab and Egyptian fundamentalists—outside agitators, if you will.

    However, there are deep and significant local roots to the Pakistan Taliban’s opposition to popular Sufism.

    Taliban religious doctrine grew out of South Asian Sufi traditions—its leader, Mullah Omar, has taken on the mystical trappings of a charismatic Sufi leader–but represents an effort to reconcile indigenous Sufism with the strict orthodoxy of the Arabic Islamic practice as promoted by the religious teacher Maulana Mohammed Ilyas (1885-1944) and his Tablighi Jama’at religious movement, centered on the north Indian town of Deobond and also called the Deobondi movement. The movement stresses concrete action over contemplation, and a revival of Islam through heightened religious observance, preaching, and prostelization.

    Today, Tablighi Jama’at is perhaps the largest religious movement in the Islamic world. The second largest annual gathering of Muslims in the world (after the haj to Mecca) is the TJ’s annual congregation, the Bushwa Itjema, in Bangladesh.

    Mullah Omar and many Taliban trained at Deobondi-inspired madrassas set up in western Pakistan.

    Ilyas’ Deobondi movement was Sufi in its traditions, but represented a conscious effort to prevent the extinction of the minority Muslim faith within British India by asserting a distinct, separate Muslim identity through emphasis on adherence to sharia law and the orthodox Prophetic canon of Koran and Sunnah, and by purging the indigenous popular Sufi form of Islamic observance of corrupting non-Islamic elements.

    Writing in a collection of essays entitled Sufism and the “modern” in Islam, (Martin van Bruinessen, Julia Day Howell, I.B.Tauris, 2007) Yoginder Sikan described the relation of the Ilyas’ strain of Deobondi fundamentalism to popular Sufism:

    Also branded as “un-Islamic” and occupying a central place in what Ilyas saw as “un-Islamic” customary tradition, was the entire domain of popular Sufism. This included practices related to worship at the shrines of saints, such as prostration at their graves, musical sessions, and unrestricted mixing of the sexes.

    Equally condemnable was a range of beliefs and social practices relating to the authority of the Sufis, whether living or dead. The notion that the buried Sufis were still alive and could intercede with God to grant one’s requests was fiercely condemned as un-Islamic” and as akin to shirk, the sin of associating partners with the one God.

    Ilyas’ reformed Sufism…had crucial implications for the constitution of religious authority…[T]he TJ directly challenged the authority of the custodians of the religious shrine (sajjada-nishin)…who were seen as having a vested interest in in preserving popular custom for their own claims to authority rested on these.

    [Ilyas] therefore effectively dismissed as ultimately of little worth the claims to authority of the sajjada-nishin, based on the reports of the miracles (karamat) performed by the saints whose shrines they tended. He stressed that punctilious observance of the sharia, and not karamat, was the only way to rise in God’s eyes.

    There it is.

    According to the tenets of Taliban theology, attacks on popular Sufi religious practice are inseparable from the imposition of sharia law.

    In fact, given the extremely close relation between the Deobandi movement and the Sufi tradition from which it sprang, it’s almost inevitable that the Pakistan Taliban would actively confront what it saw as the abuses of popular Sufism in order to assert its fundamental identity and authority.

    Therefore, it’s not surprising that the Pakistani Taliban would follow their successful campaign to impose sharia law in parts of NWFP with a conspicuous attack on a popular Sufi shrine.

    Beyond the demands of Deobandi faith, igniting a religious struggle against popular Sufism is almost a tactical necessity. Fighting against the Pakistani army and Frontier Corps is not the same as battling the NATO and U.S. unbelievers in Afghanistan.

    The Pakistan Taliban are locked in a battle with the military forces of an Islamic state and need the trappings of a sustained Islamic religious struggle inside Pakistan in order to sustain its legitimacy, motivate its followers, and divide its opposition.

    In fact, attacking Sufi religious practices is probably integral to the entire Taliban strategy of polarizing Pakistani society by attacking a weak link—the popular but difficult to defend (on strict Islamic terms) worship of local saints whose interred bodies reputedly have magic powers.

    The central province of Punjab hosts several important Sufi shrines, raising the terrifying specter of attacks on heterodox religious practices in Pakistan’s heartland by an ostentatiously righteous, militant, and ascendant religious group whose stated mission is to rescue Islam not only from the West but from idolatry within its own ranks.

    And, as a reading of Sikan indicates, challenging popular Sufism also means challenging the authority of the custodians who obtained legitimacy, wealth, and power from their control of the shrines and promises to link the Taliban to a populist, anti-elitist message that may find resonance in the impoverished areas of Pakistan far beyond its Pashtun base.

    The United Arab Emirates paper The Nation pointed out how the Pakistan Taliban’s attack on popular Sufism is linked to an assault on the local elites trying to stem the tide of its advance:

    Journalists said that, prior to both high-profile attacks, militants had confronted the shrines’ caretakers, warning them to put a stop to religious practices that are frowned upon by orthodox Muslims, such as prayers to the deceased saints and devotion to their living heirs, known locally as piri-faqiri.

    “All the Taliban groupings loathe piri-faqiri and are prone to attacking any site that is used to practise it,” said Shaukat Khattak, the bureau chief of Samaa TV in Peshawar.

    The Swat Taliban faced their stiffest resistance from Pir Samiullah, a gaddi nashin [one who holds the throne of a shrine—CH] who had formed a militia of followers and killed about 100 militants. He was shot dead in December in a battle with the Taliban, after army units called in for support went to the wrong location.

    His corpse was exhumed by militants and put on display at the main square of Mingora, the capital of Swat region, to be buried later at an undisclosed location.

    “They violated all the traditions of the area because they did not want his followers to build a shrine,” said the widow of a Swat politician assassinated by the Taliban, speaking on condition of anonymity.
    On the All Things Pakistan message boards, the thoughts of more than one commentator immediately turned to the tomb of Pakistan’s founding father, Muhammad ali Jinnah, in the heart of Karachi, an immense borderline-idolatrous mass called Mazar-i-Qaid (National Mausoleum) symbolizing the legitimacy and authority of the regime, as a possible target.

    The fear and the outrage of ATP’s commentators reveals a dreaded awareness that the Pakistan Taliban is not just about pushing the U.S. and the West out of Afghanistan, or maintaining the autonomy and religiosity of the Pashtun regions against the encroachments of the central government.

    The Taliban is on the attack, and it has a profitable bone to pick with heterodox Islam and Islam-sympathetic secularism as well. It possesses the doctrine, the will, and, fatally, the means, opportunity, and incentive to conduct a terror campaign against Pakistan’s secular-leaning, equivocally Islamic elites in order to cow them into submission.

    And one victim of the Pakistan Taliban’s relentless pursuit of orthodoxy and polarization will be the weakly articulated commitment to cosmopolitan culture, tolerance, and syncretic traditions that form the shaky underpinnings of Pakistan’s modernist multi-ethnic state.

    http://chinamatters.blogspot.com/2010/07/backgrounder-on-bombing-of-data-darbar.html

  • Thousands of Pakistanis took to the streets on Friday demanding better security for places of worship and a crackdown on extremists following twin suicide bomb attacks at the country’s most famous Sufi Shrine that have raised concerns about an increasingly sectarian cast to the country’s violence.

    But some analysts said it would be a mistake to characterize the recent spate of attacks as sectarian, given the one-sided nature of attacks thus far.

    “We don’t see violent attacks coming from the other groups. They are coming from one community,” says Rasul Baksh Rais, head of political sciences at the Lahore University for Management Sciences, adding that the militants are finding themselves increasingly unpopular for carrying out such strikes.

    Security was beefed up at mosques and shrines in the cities of Peshawar and Karachi, while protesters at the iconic Data Darbar shrine demanded that the provincial government of Punjab end its alleged sponsorship of terror groups.

    Security was beefed up at mosques and shrines in the cities of Peshawar and Karachi, while protesters at the iconic Data Darbar shrine demanded that the provincial government of Punjab end its alleged sponsorship of terror groups. responsibility of the attack

    Though the Taliban have officially denied responsibility of the attack, which killed at least 42, most analysts believe it to be the work of the so-called “Punjabi Taliban,” an umbrella term used to describe a loose-knit alliance between various sectarian Punjabi militant groups that have in the past been sponsored by the Pakistani government and intelligence agencies.

    “Punjabi militants are sectarian in origin, and when they find themselves unable to attack government or security targets, they will lash out at other sects,” says Ashaar Rehman, the Lahore editor of Dawn, a leading Pakistani daily.

    Lahore attacks last MayLast May, militants attacked two Ahmadi-sect mosques in Lahore, killing almost 100. Militant groups in Pakistan predominantly follow the conservative Deobandi or Ahl-e-Hadith strains of Sunni Islam, and view Ahmadis, Shiites, and other strains of Sunnis (such as Sufis) to be heretics. Data Darbar

    The Data Darbar shrine is over 900 years old and houses the remains of Abul Hassan Ali Hajvery, a figure revered by Muslims and Hindus alike. Every Thursday night, adherents gather to pray and make their devotions to the saint through dance, in stark contrast to the austere form of Islam practiced by the Taliban. It is the “biggest icon of Lahore,” says Mr. Rehman, and the attack represents a major step-up in what he calls “the battle for competing ideologies.”

    The last major attack on a Sufi shrine took place at the Rahman Baba shrine in Peshawar in March 2009.

    Outside the Data Darbar shrine on Friday, worshipers lashed out at the government but promised to remain uncowed.

    “The government must crack down on all terror being committed against all sects,” said Fazl-e-Kareem, a prominent Barelwi scholar, to a crowd of some 2,000 people. The Barelwi sect accounts for the majority of Sunni Muslims in Pakistan, and its traditions and beliefs are closely associated with Sufism.

    Others were keen to point out what they called government hypocrisy. “This is all the fault of the Deobandi extremists whom the government continues to support,” says Muhammad Saleem, a businessman and member of the Sunni Tehrik, a Islamic political organization affiliated with the Barelwi sect.

    “They pay the salaries of Jamat-ud-Dawa but fail to protect us,” he added, in reference to the provincial Punjab government’s lack of action against the charitable arm of Lashkar-e-Taiba, which was officially proscribed by a Nations Security Council Resolution but remains a legal organization in Pakistan.

    http://www.sunnimuslimsnews.co.cc/2010/07/suicide-attack-on-data-darbar-lahores.html

  • But in the last few years, IPTV has dwarfed the quality of DVD and
    Cable TV. So far, reactions on the acquisition, as well as on the
    announcement from the new business model, are actually
    mixed, but only time will state whether or not a revamped version in the massively popular peer-to-peer website is
    going to be as successful since it’s predecessor.
    The Vi – O comes pre set with widely used cellular devices, which includes Blackberry, i – Pod, i – Phone amongst others.

  • Hi there colleagues, its impressive piece of writing regarding educationand completely defined, keep it up
    all the time.

  • Thank you for sharing excellent informations. Your web site is very cool. I’m impressed by the details that you’ve on this site. It reveals how nicely you perceive this subject. Bookmarked this web page, will come back for extra articles. You, my pal, ROCK! I found just the information I already searched all over the place and just could not come across. What an ideal website.