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Z.A. Bhutto Case and Supreme Court of Pakistan – by Rauf Amir

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Comments from the LUBP old website:

7 COMMENTS:

Aamir Mughal said…
A Tribute to Bhuttos not only one but to all Bhuttos – Zulfi, Shahnawaz, Murtaza and Benazir.
=======

Who Killed Bhuttos?

Fall of Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto an his Family was due to his attaining Nuclear Power for Pakistan

The explosive situation in the region is the direct or indirect result of the threat hurled by Dr. Henry Kissinger to late. Bhutto and tacit support of Ronald Reagan to the so-called Islamic Dictator General Mohammad Ziaul Haq (1977-1988).

“QUOTE”

“It is generally believed that the US wanted Zoulfiqar Ali Bhutto to be removed from the political scene of Pakistan mainly on two accounts. First, for the nuclear policy that he framed and tried to relentlessly pursue and secondly, from apprehensions that ZAB was influencing the countries. He posed a serious challenge to the US interests in the region. “Tally-ho. Kill Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, “ yelled the self-proclaimed policemen of the world. During August 1976, Amercian Secretary of States, Dr. Henry Kissinger had warned Bhutto, “We will make a horrible example of you,” adding menacingly, “When the railroad is coming, you get out of the way.” The American had successfully cultivated a number of well-placed bureaucrats, PPP stalwarts and ministers who wittingly or inadvertently served as the US agents of influence. American diplomats and CIA operators not only got most of the ‘inside’ information from these ‘gentlemen’ but also utilized their good offices to ‘convey’ whatever they wanted to feed or plant. Some officers from USMAAG had also made meaningful ingresses in the General Headquarters and not only gathered the thinking in the Services Headquarters but would also drop a ‘suggestion’ here and there.

Some of the US Diplomats had established direct contacts with a number of PNA leaders whom they continued to aid, support and give day-to-day line of action. A number of US diplomats were not only actively involved but also directed the operations against Bhutto. Jan M. Gibney, Political Officer, US Consulate General, Lahore, duly assisted by a couple of Pakistanis, was extremely active and would frequently visit a number of Politicians Maulana Maudoodi of Jamat-e-Islami and Maulan Obaidullah Anwar, Jamiat-e-Ulmai- Islam of Sheranwala Gate, Lahore. Apart from holding meetings, a wireless network had been established between the USIS-US Consulate General – Maulana Maudoodi’s residence. It was Gibney who had telephoned and conveyed to Howard B. Schaffer, Chief of Political Affairs, US Embassy, Islamabad, that notorious sentence, “The party is over. Merchandise has gone.” The US had also released PL-480 funds. Over night some Jamat-e-Islami workers were seen with pockets full of money and spending lavishly. A number of businessmen, particularly those, who had suffered due to ZAB’s economic and industrial policies, had also been prompted to contribute towards the PNA funds. As there were no party accounts being maintained as such, the contributions were received personally by some of the leaders. Justice (Retd.) Kaikaus and Rafiq Ahmed Bajwa are among those who are alleged to have made millions.”

[PROFILES OF INTELLIGENCE by Brigadier Syed I. A. Tirmazi, SI (M).

“UN-QUOTE”

As per Daily Dawn dated -04-02-2008 report “In the book some extracts of which were carried by The Sunday Times (Exclusive: Benazir Bhutto’s last testament) Ms Bhutto gives a hint about the hands that wrote the plot to kill her. “When I returned, I did not know whether I would live or die. I knew that the same elements of Pakistani society that had colluded to destroy my father, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, and end democracy in Pakistan in 1977 were now arrayed against me for the same purpose exactly 30 years later. “I was told by both the Musharraf regime and the foreign Muslim government that four suicide bomber squads would attempt to kill me. These included, the reports said, squads sent by the Taliban warlord Baitullah Mehsud; Hamza Bin Laden, a son of Osama Bin Laden; Red Mosque militants; and a Karachi-based militant group.” [1]

“She disclosed that a media representative had told her on return from Dubai that he had received a phone call from a retired military official that there would be an attack on her that day and that the MQM would be doing that. “I said that if such an attack comes, it will not be from the MQM.” [2]

Ms. Benzair Bhutto’s also opined in her book on remnants of General Zia earlier Late. Ms Bhutto had said the same thing in her press conference on 19-10-2007. “QUOTE”I knew that the same elements of Pakistani society that had colluded to destroy my father, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, and end democracy in Pakistan in 1977 were now arrayed against me for the same purpose exactly 30 years later. Former prime minister and Pakistan People’s Party chairperson Benazir Bhutto on Friday condemned the suicide attack on her rally and blamed it on what she termed ‘Zia remnants’[1][ 2].

“UNQUOTE”

USA, General Zia, JAMAT-E-ISLAMI, Henry Kissinger [Former US Secretary of State] were all bedfellows who destroyed Bhutto in 1977 and later his daughter in 2007: [General Zia Martial Law Period 1977-1988]

Read

Jamat-e-Islami nowadays calls for the restoration of Democracy and Restoration of Constitution of 1973 from the banner of APDM whereas the same Jamat-e-Islami under the banner of MMA gave clean chit to General Musharraf’s Rampant Martial Law Regime [2002-2007] through notorious LFO and 17th Constitutional Amendment to do wahtever he likes. In the past the same Jamat-e-Islami [when its Deviant Founder Syed Abul Ala’a Maudoodi was alive] provided its very senior member Professor Ghafoor to serve General Zia ul Haq:

Professor Ghafoor Ahmad of Jamat-e-Islami was a Federal Minister Production Industries in General Zia Martial Law Cabinet [1978-1979] [Reference Cabinet Division Pakistan] On August 23 1978 following person inducted in General Zia Cabinet:

1- Ghulam Ishaq Khan [Later dismissed two elected government in Pakistan one at the behest of General Aslam Beg in 1990]

2- A.K.Brohi

3- Mahmood Haroon

4- Mohammad Khan Junejo

5- Sharifuddin Pirzada [nowadays with present Miltary Regime of Musharraf since 12 Oct 1999]

6- Mohammad Ali Hoti 7- Professor Ghafoor Ahmad (Jamat-e-Islami) [From 2002-2007 under MMA Professor Sahab was part of an alliance which shared government with Mr Musharraf’s Martial Law]

Former U.S. attorney general Ramsey Clark says

“Clark pointed to the CIA’s activities in Iran as evidence of its willingness to support dictators over democrats. U.S. officials can justify supporting a dictatorship in Pakistan, said Clark, because it “daggers the underbelly of the Soviet Union.” Almost three decades later, Bhutto fans, analysts and keen Pakistani observers suspect Clark’s utterances to be true and insist they should not be trashed so easily. Says one Bhutto follower, “…..see in 1977 Bhutto was removed and hurriedly executed. and in just about 24 months, Russia was in Afghanistan (December 1979) and Pakistan, USA, Saudi Arabia et al were all there together running an “Islamic Jihad” against the Communists. It takes more than a year to plan an invasion so big or a counter-attack so effective no?……both the CIA and the KGB knew what each one of them were doing, planning…. But Bhutto was the “wild card” in the overall Western game plan. Read his book If I am Assassinated. ..it tells you all.” In later years, Ramsey Clark wrote ” Bhutto was removed from power in Pakistan by force on the 5th of July, after the usual party on the 4th at the U.S. Embassy in Islamabad, with U.S. approval, if not more, by General Zia al-Haq. Bhutto was falsely accused and brutalized for months during proceedings that corrupted the judiciary of Pakistan before being murdered, then hanged. That Bhutto had run for president of the student body at University of California in Berkeley and helped arrange the opportunity for Nixon to visit China did not help him when he defied the U.S. (CovertAction Quarterly magazine, Fall 1998)”[3]

Just to list a few of the alleged assassinations conducted or planned by U.S. agents exposes the crisis in confidence covert actions have created for our country. Allende, Lumumba, Diem, Bhutto, with many questioning whether President Kennedy and Martin Luther King, Jr., should be included, and U.S. planning for the assassination of Fidel Castro part of our public record, while air and missile attacks directed at Qaddafi of Libya and Saddam Hussein of Iraq missed their targets. CIA Director Richard Helmspleaded guilty to perjury for false testimony he gave before the U.S. Senate on the CIA’ s role in the overthrow of President Allende. He was fined, but his two-year prison sentence was suspended. But the American public is unaware of it, and Chile has never been the same. U.S. support for the overthrow of Allende was the essential element in that tragedy. For years, Patrice Lumumba’s son would ask me whenever we met, first in Beirut, or later in Geneva, if the U.S. killed his father. I finally gave him a copy of former CIA officer John Stockwell’s In Search of Enemies, which tells the story. Justice William O. Douglas wrote in later years that the U.S. killed Diem, painfully adding, “And Jack was responsible. ” Bhutto was removed from power in Pakistan by force on the l5th of July, after the usual party on the 4th at the U.S. Embassy in Islamabad, with U.S. approval, if not more, by General Zia al-Haq. Bhutto was falsely accused and brutalized for months during proceedings that corrupted the judiciary of Pakistan before being murdered, then hanged. That Bhutto had run for president of the student body at U.C. Berkeley and helped arrange the opportunity for Nixon to visit China did not help him when he defied the U.S. [4]

Jamat-e-Islami’ s Contribution for destructing Democracy and Bhuttos from Pakistan in 1977:

Jamat-e-Islami and US Central Intelligence Agency.

It is generally believed that the US wanted Zoulfiqar Ali Bhutto to be removed from the political scene of Pakistan mainly on two accounts. First, for the nuclear policy that he framed and tried to relentlessly pursue and secondly, from apprehensions that ZAB was influencing the countries. He posed a serious challenge to the US interests in the region.“Tally-ho. Kill Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, “ yelled the self-proclaimed policemen of the world. During August 1976, Amercian Secretary of States, Dr. Henry Kissinger had warned Bhutto, “We will make a horrible example of you,” adding menacingly, “When the railroad is coming, you get out of the way.”

The American had successfully cultivated a number of well-placed bureaucrats, PPP stalwarts and ministers who wittingly or inadvertently served as the US agents of influence. American diplomats and CIA operators not only got most of the ‘inside’ information from these ‘gentlemen’ but also utilized their good offices to ‘convey’ whatever they wanted to feed or plant. Some officers from USMAAG had also made meaningful ingresses in the General Headquarters and not only gathered the thinking in the Services Headquarters but would also drop a ‘suggestion’ here and there. Some of the US Diplomats had established direct contacts with a number of PNA leaders whom they continued to aid, support and give day-to-day line of action.

A number of US diplomats were not only actively involved but also directed the operations against Bhutto. Jan M. Gibney, Political Officer, US Consulate General, Lahore, duly assisted by a couple of Pakistanis, was extremely active and would frequently visit a number of Politicians Maulana Maudoodi of Jamat-e-Islami and Maulan Obaidullah Anwar, Jamiat-e-Ulmai- Islam of Sheranwala Gate, Lahore. Apart from holding meetings, a wireless network had been established between the USIS-US Consulate General – Maulana Maudoodi’s residence. It was Gibney who had telephoned and conveyed to Howard B. Schaffer, Chief of Political Affairs, US Embassy, Islamabad, that notorious sentence, “The party is over. Merchandise has gone.”

The US had also released PL-480 funds. Over night some Jamat-e-Islami workers were seen with pockets full of money and spending lavishly. A number of businessmen, particularly those, who had suffered due to ZAB’s economic and industrial policies, had also been prompted to contribute towards the PNA funds. As there were no party accounts being maintained as such, the contributions were received personally by some of the leaders. Justice (Retd.) Kaikaus and Rafiq Ahmed Bajwa are among those who are alleged to have made millions. [PROFILES OF INTELLIGENCE by Brigadier Syed A. I. Tirmazi, SI (M).

As per another noted Islamic Scholar of repute Maulana Waheeduddin Khan [One of the founder member of Jamat-e-Islami who later resigned from JI]

“Quote”

“Maudoodi founded his movement on the maxim of ‘Rule of Allah’ and had said only Allah’s rule is allowed on the people and the world and all the other laws made by human beings are wrong {BATIL}. For Muslims following such man made laws is Haram {forbidden} as for Muslims it is a must for him to work for enforcing Allah’s Rule/Laws or die in the same cause. Maulana Mauddodi used to say those who make, decide, implement and enforce non-Godly Laws, all are committing forbidden {Haram} acts. Because you cannot even punish a culprit who is proved guilty under man made law, asit would not be considered punishment it’d be crime itself as nobody has the right to decide on God’s land to decide about the punishment through man made laws. Therefore such punishment e.g. punishment for the murder {hanging} would be a murder even if the punished person is proved killer because on God’s Land nobody is allowed to take life without God’s permission mean one has to conduct a murder trial under Islamic Law.

All his life Maulana Maudoodi kept demanding the enforcement of Islamic Shariah and System. During the last years of his life he got what he wanted, on 5 July 1977 General Zia implemented Martial Law and Maudoodi lent his and his party’s complete support to General Zia not only that many of his JI members were in General Zia’s Cabinet. During Zia’s tenure Zoulfiqar Ali Bhutto was tried on the persistency of Jamat-e-Islami and Maudoodi’s slogan “Accountability before Elections”. Maudoodi had full chance to try Bhutto in the PURE-ISLAMIC SHARIAH COURT as per Islamic doctrine. Had he done so he would have been the best example of Practical Shahadah of Islam which he had been claiming all his life and as per him without Shahadah Islami Dawah is incomplete. But Maudoodi and his Jamat-e-Islami and their members supported the trial against Zoulfiqar Ali Bhutto which was conducted as per man made law. The courts, which were the continuation of pre-partition days, were and still are run on the basis British Law. Maudoodi could have demanded the formation of Shariah Court for Bhutto’s trial but he didn’t not only that not a single person that included Maudoodi even raised a demand for establishing such Islamic Courts. The famous Murder Trial against Bhutto was run under the very eyes and support of Maulana Maudoodi and he was tried as per Anglo Saxon Jurisprudence not as per Islami Shariah. Bhutto was hanged on 4th April 1979 while Maudoodi was alive. As mentioned above by Maudoodi no punishment and law is justified and allowed in the presence of Islamic Laws but Bhutto was tried and hanged as per Anglo Saxon Laws which was man made. But Maudoodi not only supported Bhutto’s hanging but even supported the trial conducted under the auspices of man made law.

Zoulfiqar Ali Bhutto {1928-1979} was hanged to death in Rawalpindi allegedly for murder as jurists differ on his hanging but there is no second opinion on that so-called Flag Bearer of Islam in Pakistan committed a murder of a person name Zoulfiqar Ali Bhutto.

BBC in one of its report said that when Bhutto was taken to gallows the last words on his lips were O God! Help me I am innocent. But when a noted journalist Mark Tully reported this news and verbatim of Bhutto in Islamabad. He was chased and gheraoed in Islamabad by the so-called flag bearers of Nizam-e-Mustafa and was thoroughly beaten and that is not the end the then government registered a case against that reporter in Rawalpindi for the said report. This was the newest form of Nizam-e-Mustafa as its followers didn’t take this Hanging of Bhutto ample enough they also wanted the guarantee that Bhutto must be granted HELL [JAHANNUM] in the life hereafter.

Maudoodi denied what he had been propagating all his life i.e. Rule of Allah and Islam particularly in the Bhutto trial and that is the tragedy with all the Islamists particularly in Pakistan that they preach what they don’t practice: ASBAQ-E-TAREEKH by Maulana Waheeduddin Khan {New Delhi India}. Enjoin ye righteousness upon mankind while ye yourselves forget (to practise it)? And ye are readers of the Scripture! Have ye then no sense? {The Cow – II (Soora Al-Baqara) Verse 44}.”

References:

Benazir’s ‘last testament’ gives hint about plot to kill her [1]

February 04, 2008 Monday Muharram 25, 1429

http://www.dawn.com/2008/02/04/top5.htm

Zia remnants’ blamed for Karachi carnage: Benazir vows to confront militants, fears more attacks [2]

By Shamim-ur-RahmanOctober 20, 2007 Saturday Shawwal 7, 1428

http://www.dawn.com/2007/10/20/top1.htm

‘CIA Sent Bhutto to the Gallows´ [3]

http://www.despardes.com/oscartango%20/120505-ramsey-bhutto.html

The Corruption of Covert Actions by Ramsey Clark CovertAction Quarterly magazine, Fall 1998 [4]

http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/CIA/CorruptionCovertActions.html

WHO KILLED MURTAZA BHUTTO?

One wonders if Ms. Fatima Bhutto or her Mother Ms. Ghinwa Bhutto are naive or fool. In PPP hate they even forget as to what one of the leader of her own PPP Shaheed Bhutto Group had said on the sad death of Ms. Fatima’s father [Late Mir Murtaza Bhutto]. Instead of blaming PPP they should recheck some history and facts as well.

“The tribunal held later in 1997 ruled that Murtaza could not have been killed without approval from the highest echelons of government.” [Justice Retd Nasir Aslam Zahid]Please tell which echelon of the government is highest? Have you seen the movie ‘JFK’ by Oliver Stone if not then please watch it again and again, it will solve many of your puzzles.

“QUOTE”

Former interior minister Naseerullah Babar paid glowing tributes to Shoaib Suddle for restoring peace in Karachi when in 1994 the Army was withdrawn from the metropolitan city. He said the ISI was involved in the murder of Murtaza Bhutto. He said he had formed a commission to probe against the ISI but pressure was mounted on him and afterwards the inquiry was givenup. He criticized the MQM decision to join forces with the opposition. He said the MQM should join the government for the sake of peace in Karachi.

‘Bill to cut president down to size this week’ News Desk

http://thenews.jang.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=14093

Jawab Deyh with Iftikhar Ahmed [courtesy GEO TV]Murder Story Of Murtaza Bhutto By Justice Nasir Part5/6

http://youtube.com/watch?v=ZIT9dDIZgfk&feature=related

“UNQUOTE”

“The tribunal held later in 1997 ruled that Murtaza could not have been killed without approval from the highest echelons of government.” [Justice Retd Nasir Aslam Zahid]Please tell which echelon of the government is highest? Have you seen the movie ‘JFK’ by Oliver Stone if not then please watch it again and again, it will solve many of your puzzles.”Quote”As per Ghazali BookThe Fourth Republic Chapter IXWhile the people speculated about the motives behind the killing of Mir Murtaza Bhutto, Dr. Mubashir Hasan, a former Finance Minister and a founder member of the PPP, was very blunt in his remarks: “For those whohave removed Murtaza from our midst, the real problem has been and is Prime Minister Benazir. As long as Murtaza was alive, removing Benazir carried unacceptable risks. Murtaza could take over the mantle of the elder Bhutto’s legend. Else Murtaza and Benazir would be striving for a common cause, separately or jointly. That would have presented formidablepolitical problems. Murtaza gone, the way is clear. Benazir stands perilously weakened. She is the next to go. Such are the brutal pathways of realpolitik.” [Dawn 25.9.1996.] [1]

As per UNHCR report:Question and Answer Research Papers UPDATE ON THE MOHAJIR QAUMI MOVEMENT (MQM) IN KARACHI:

On 20 September 1996, in a case that would eventually bring down the government, Karachi police shot and killed Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto’s estranged brother and political rival, Mir Murtaza Bhutto, and seven of his bodyguards outside his Karachi residence (Country Reports 1996 1997, 1466; The Herald Oct. 1996b, 24; The News 24 Feb. 1997; HRCP 1996, 50-51).Police claimed the men were killed in an encounter that began when officers attempted to arrest the bodyguards for terrorist acts and possession of unregistered weapons (Country Reports 1996 1997, 1466; The Herald Oct. 1996b, 24; AFP 19 Dec. 1996). Murtaza Bhutto had headed a PPP faction called Shaheed (“martyr”) Bhutto that was opposed to his sister’s governing PPP and at times allied with the MQM in Karachi (The Herald Oct. 1996c, 26; Reuters 26 Sept. 1996; Dawn 28 Jan. 1997). On 17 September police and Rangers had arrested Murtaza’s second-in-command, Ali Mohammed Soonara, who was suspected of being behind numerous terrorist attacks in Karachi (The Herald Oct. 1996c, 26; ibid. Oct. 1996b, 24; HRCP 1996, 50-51).

According to The Herald, just hours after the arrest Murtaza Bhutto, anticipating that police would torture Soonara to obtain information and then kill him, led his bodyguards in a raid on two Criminal Investigation Agency (CIA) centres in a failed attempt to free Soonara (ibid. Oct. 1996c, 26; ibid. Oct. 1996b, 24). Police then registered cases against Murtaza and his bodyguards, which led to the 20 September confrontation (HRCP 1996, 51; The Herald Oct. 1996c, 26; ibid. Oct. 1996b, 24).

According to The Herald, Murtaza Bhutto had been travelling in an armed motorcade that police intercepted outside his residence (Oct. 1996b, 25-28). The Herald report indicates that a single shot appears to have set off a volley of shots from police; police claim there was a prolonged shoot-out, but according to witnesses there was little return fire from Murtaza’s guards (ibid.).

Writing in The Herald in October 1996, Hasan Zaidi argued that the case highlighted a profound loss of faith among Pakistanis: “the lack of trust among the public in the organs of the state and the eroding credibility of institutions is emblematic of a much bigger problem” (Oct. 1996a, 40). Zaidi argued that if the state had been functioning properly, Murtaza’s death would have launched widespread reforms:

The entire structure and operating procedures of the law enforcement agencies would have come in for review and transformation, making both more accountable to the public, as would have the laxity of laws which allowed Murtaza to move with impunity within the city in a convoy of guards armed to the hilt with deadly weapons. Such a reform movement would have also questioned why certain pockets within the administration were outside the normal chain of command and answerable only to their direct political and military patrons, as is the case with an elite group of police officers in Karachi (ibid., 40-41).

In fact the case has had wide-reaching ramifications: in early November 1996 President Leghari dismissed the PPP government of Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, citing among other issues thousands of extrajudicial killings in Karachi, widespread corruption and a “sustained assault” on the judiciary (AI Nov. 1996, 1; Dialogue Dec. 1996, 4; Country Reports 1996 1997, 1472; India Abroad 15 Nov. 1996; AFP 12 Feb. 1997). In early January 1997 Asif Ali Zardari, husband of Benazir Bhutto, stood charged with Murtaza Bhutto’s murder, along with former interior minister Nasirullah Babar, former Sindh chief minister Syed Abdullah Shah and several police officials, on the evidence of 52 witnesses, including Murtaza’s widow Ghinwa Bhutto (ibid. 19 Dec. 1996; The News 3 Jan. 1997). According to The News from Islamabad,

The charge-sheet accused Asif Ali Zardari of hatching a conspiracy in connivance with Abdullah Shah, DIG [Deputy Inspector General] Karachi, Dr. Shoaib Suddle and Intelligence Bureau chief Masood Sharif to eliminate Murtaza Bhutto from the political scene. The charge-sheet said that they considered Murtaza Bhutto as a threat to the PPP (ibid.)

For her part Benazir Bhutto has charged that “there is a nexus between my brother’s death and the president,” testifying before the three-person tribunal investigating the killing that President Leghari was involved in a conspiracy to bring down her government through Murtaza’s death (AFP 12 Nov. 1996; ibid. 19 Dec. 1996; The News 24 Feb. 1997). Mysteries and conspiracy theories surround the case: for example, a key witness, police officer Haq Nawaz, was murdered, there were delays in registering First Information Reports (FIRs), and a mysterious fax allegedly from Military Intelligence reportedly links Benazir Bhutto and her brother to planned terrorist attacks just before Murtaza’s death (Country Reports 1996 1997, 1466; The Herald Oct. 1996a, 40-41; Dawn 17 Feb. 1997).

In April 1997 the trial of Asif Ali Zardari continued, but the political map of the country had changed: the dismissal of the Bhutto government and the calling of national and provincial elections allowed the MQM(A) to re-emerge from hiding and campaign openly for the first time in several years (The News 9 Apr. 1997; The Economist 25 Jan. 1997; AFP 9 Jan. 1997; DPA 29 Jan. 1997; The News 5 Mar. 1997).

http://www.unhcr.ch/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/home/opendoc.htm?tbl=RSDCOI&page=research&id=3ae6a83c4

As per a news article of UNITED NEWS OF INDIA ISLAMABAD, June 15: Former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto has a bagful of secrets to tell the nation, but she would let it out only after celebrating the 50th anniversary of the country’s independence. She would like to tell how her Government was sacked by President Farooq Leghari, how her estranged brother Mir Murtaza was killed and about the role of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) in the country. But only after August 14, Pakistan’s independence day.

As per a news article of UNITED NEWS OF INDIA ISLAMABAD, June 15: Former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto has a bagful of secrets to tell the nation, but she would let it out only after celebrating the 50th anniversary of the country’s independence. She would like to tell how her Government was sacked by President Farooq Leghari, how her estranged brother Mir Murtaza was killed and about the role of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) in the country. But only after August 14, Pakistan’s independence day.

Bhutto, who made the promise in an interview to the Pakistan Times of Lahore, disclosed that she had intended to make Aftab Sherpao the President, but ISI chief Gen Javed Ashraf Qazi told her to make Leghari instead.

Accordingly, Leghari was elected President. (Sherpao was rewarded the post of the Chief Minister of the North-West Frontier Province after Leghari sacked the Muslim League incumbent.)

She said the ISI was under the Prime Minister for mere namesake. The Prime Minister was not in a position to sack anyone in the agency even if he or she knew that it was hatching a conspiracy against the Premier, Bhutto said.After Leghari was elected the President, she started getting reports that he was planning to remove her. When confronted with such reports, he always denied them. But after August 13, 1996, his hostility became transparent, she said.Though the Intelligence Bureau is under the control of the Prime Minister, it could not be used for spying on the President. Declining comment on Murtaza’s murder, she said she would disclose some facts after August 14. Bhutto had alleged before the three-man tribunal which inquired into the murder that President Leghari was behind it. But the tribunal, in its report on Monday last exonerated the President.

Copyright © 1997 Indian Express Newspapers (Bombay) Ltd.

http://www.expressindia.com/ie/daily/19970616/16750543.html

Reference:

1- The Fourth Republic [1]

Chapter IX

Page 5

MURTUZA BHUTTO KILLED IN A POLICE ENCOUNTER

http://www.ghazali.net/book1/Chapter9a/body_page_5.html

2 APRIL 2009 21:13
Aamir Mughal said…
Who hounded Benazir Bhutto and Bhutto Family even after their complete destruction??
==================

Strangely and amazingly too three gentlemen Lt General Retd Hamid Gul, Lt General Retd Asad Durrani and last but not the least General COAS Retd Mirza Aslam Beg have been quite busy to whitewash the dirty role they play to pollute the Pakistani Politics throughout 90s.

This they have been doing through Private TV Channels to portray themselves born again democrats and activists for the Freedom of Judiciary and Media too Hamid [Recently on HUM TV courtesy Mr. Javed Qazi who gave him ample opportunity to clean himself] Asad Durrani the refined one [through DAWN NEWS CHANNEL] Mirza Aslam Beg through this nincompoop called Dr Shahid Masood [through GEO TV]

Whereas the history tells us something entirely different not only different but filthy, obnoxious and dirty to the core, Read and lament…

“QUOTE”

NOTE: On August 9, 1990, another one of the country’s short-lived experiments with democracy came to an end. While “The Empire Strikes Back” published in the August 1990 issue of the Herald describes the events that took place on the day of Benazir Bhutto’s ouster, “The Invisible War (See Herald Monthly Issue of January 2008, page 87), printed in the same issue, provides an analysis of the factors that led to the sacking of her government. [Courtesy Monthly Herald Pakistan January 2008, page 84-85-86]

The Invisible War by Abbas Nasir [Monthly Herald January 2008]

Was there a covert war raging between a sophisticated intelligence agency and the PPP government? And did the crisis in the Gulf have anything to do with Ms Bhutto’s ouster from office?

After the dust begins to settle over the dissolution of the assemblies, it becomes clear that Benazir Bhutto’s ouster was directly linked to the fact that the army’s patience with her government had run out. Differences between the two had fuelled much media speculations for the entire duration of the PPP’s 20 month tenure. Issues as diverse as Sindh, Kashmir, postings, corruption, and Afghanistan had caused much tension between the ruling party and the military
establishment. But the differences were more deep-rooted than a mere disagreement on some issues. It was clear, from the very outset, that the army had very reluctantly allowed Ms Bhutto to take office, and motivated every move and mistake she made during her 20 – Month Rule.

The distrust between the Prime Minister and the army has never been too far below the surface and dates back to the period when Ms Bhutto’s father, the executed Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was in power. According to one analyst, “The defence establishment would have never allowed Benazir to come to power, had it not been for the pressure exerted by the US. Reluctantly, the army bowed to this pressure – probably because Washington controlled its purse strings”

The attitude of the military towards the PPP and its leader was clearly evident during the run-up to the elections in 1988. One unreported incident from that period perfectly reflects this deep distrust. Knowledgeable sources maintain that a high official of the intelligence set-up came to Karachi just before polls, and convened a meeting of all the candidates contesting from the Lyari constituency, where Ms Bhutto was a candidate. “We can beat her if all of you agree to withdraw and put-up a single candidate against her, “he was quoted as suggesting to them. But such was the foresight of this hotshot that not only did most of the candidates not agree to withdraw, but the PPP leader subsequently won from the area with a margin of votes that six times that of the votes won by all her opponents put together. Another official of the same agency has been credited with the formation of IJI and sources say, he was largely responsible for masterminding the anti-PPP campaign in Punjab, which was to work with devastating effect both before and after elections.

However, on coming to power, Ms Bhutto secured one of the few concessions from the military establishment when she successfully pushed for the removal from the Inter Services Intelligence Directorate of its then Director General Major General Hamid Gul and his Assistant Director General (Internal Security) Brigadier Imtiaz Ahmad. But the removal of Hamid Gul had sting in its tail. Ms Bhutto was not chastened by the fact that the military had forced her to allow the promotion of the ISI strongman, or his posting to the strategically important corps in Multan. Following the appointment as DG of a Benazir nominee, Lt. General (Retd) Shamsur Rehman Kallue, the powers of the Political Cell of the ISI, working in the guise of the Internal Security (IS), were drastically curtailed. However a serving Major General, Khalid Latif Mughal was posted to run the Afghanistan and Kashmir policies. Mughal, formally, and Hamid Gul informally, continued to have a major say in both these spheres.

While the Prime Minister was willing, perhaps, to allow the army a free hand in handling the Afghanistan and Kashmir policies as a price to keep herself in power, her government appeared to have relaxed because the army’s earlier meddling in domestic politics through the ISI had been curtailed. But a couple of transfers and postings were hardly enough to ensure a pliant military high command. And a determined army was hardly something that the inept Benazir Administration could tame quite easily. Although the political cell at the ISI was closed down, the army launched a two-pronged offensive primarily through the media, which to the credit of the PPP government, remained free all through the party’s short, but eventful, tenure in office.

While on one hand, Brigadier Riazullah, an articulate and charming officer, moved into the barracks outside the GHQ which houses the Inter Services Public Relations Directorate, another officer, known for his competence and pleasant demeanor, occupied an office inside the walls of the GHQ. This was the Director General of the Military Intelligence, Major General Asad Durrani.

Brigadier Riazullah’s task was to execute General Aslam Beg’s policy of “glasnost” – to wash from the minds of the public, through the media, the negative image of the armed forces had acquired, following the more than a decade long period of Martial Law. The new face of the army was much in evidence when it launched its biggest ever maneuvers – Zarb-e-Momin – in the winter of 1989-90. As a result of an unprecedented media blitz, the “professional soldier” image that the army was beaming out began to sink into public mind slowly but, surely.

Side by side with the rehabilitation of its image, the army (with ammunition provided by the antics of the PPP government itself) set about destroying the populist aura of the PPP and succeeded in making corruption the most talked about subject in the country. The army was aided in this endeavor, of course, by the blundering Johnny-come- latelies who came to represent the public face of the PPP. It is clear that a great deal of homework was done, in gathering as well as fabricating evidence against prominent PPP members and the Prime Minister’s husband. Mush of this information and disinformation was handed over mainly to the right-wing journalists belonging to some key papers and periodicals, who saw themselves as the natural allies of the army, having enjoyed close ties with the Zia Regime. At least three people were assigned to feed corruption stories to the foreign media.

The DG, MI also adopted an increasingly high-profile role. Although traditionally the DG, MI is hardly someone, given the sensitivity of his assignment, to come before newsmen, the balding Durrani is understood to have personally briefed more than one journalist about the lack of sincerity on the part of the PPP in handling the Sindh situation. This same officer reportedly maintained contact with dissident PPP members of parliament and dictated strategy to them. Similarly, in Karachi, where the MI had grown to many hundreds-strong since the early 80s, Brigadier Jamil and a couple of other officers personally briefed a select band of newsmen time and again, offering them “evidence” of corrupt and criminal activities of the government. While in Hyderabad these stories were leaked by a Colonel Ayub, in Lahore the main channel of contact with the media was a top aide to fromer Chief Minister, Nawaz Sharif, who coordinated closely with a group of Pro-Estbalishment Right Wing Journalists planted in different papers and periodicals.

And this was not all. There was something more deep-rooted going on, as an interview with at least one Corps Commander revealed. The gentleman insisted on blaming a PPP minister for planting stories against him although this was not the case as independent investigations subsequently revealed. To this day, however, it is not clear who was briefing the Corps Commander on the “enemy-like” attitude of PPP ministers. The urgency of the army’s desire to see Benazir removed is clear from an article by a journalist, reputed to have very close ties with the army bosses. The report, published soon after the fall of the Bhutto government, alleged that while Ms Bhutto was an opposition leader, her mail used to leave the country courtesy the diplomatic pouch of the Indian mission. The journalist proceeded, without naming sources, to question the patriotism of the elected prime minister.

But despite this deep rooted prejudice, the army tolerated Benazir Bhutto for 20 months. What then was the catalyst to her being pushed out of the office in a “constitutional coup”? Knowledgeable quarters point towards two factors that may have served as the proverbial straw that broke the Camel’s back. The first of these was the Alam Jan Mehsud incident. Lt General Mahsud, the Corps Commander at Lahore enjoyed the reputation of being a top class professional soldier. His excellent strategy during the course of Zarb-e-Momin, defence experts say, earned him the reputation of “Pakistan’s Rommel”. The Prime Minister reportedly conveyed her desire to the GHQ to grant Mahsud an extension, and post him as the Deputy Chief of Army Staff – an act that military establishment viewed as direct interference in the army affairs.

What they suspected was that Ms. Bhutto was placing a well known dove in a strategic position as a potential successor to the present COAS. The army’s response was swift. A replacement, Lt General Ashraf, was rushed to Lahore and, the day after, Mahsud’s photograph was carried by various newspapers, receiving the Corps Shield as a farewell gift. Within days, Mahsud had left for a month long holiday to the tribal areas Waziristan, to spend time in his home village.

Knowledgeable quarters say it was in the wake of the Mahsud incident, that a Corps Commander tried to convey to the government that the army was planning to move against it. He reportedly said that the military leadership complained to the President that Ms Bhutto was attempting to foment “divisions” in the rank of the army. The army, which has prided itself on its discipline and the unity in its ranks even during the imposition of Martial Law, couldn’t possibly be expected to tolerate what it perceived to be an attempt to divide it.

The other important factor that could have acted as a catalyst was the tilt in the balance of relations between the Pakistan Army and the US administration. Ironically, Ms Bhutto has alwayslooked towards the US as a staunch ally. While it is true that the US administration had much to do with the restoration of democracy in Pakistan – as well as the nomination of Ms. Bhutto as prime minister after her party emerged as the largest single party in the elections – it is equally true her party emerged as the largest single party in the elections – it is equally true that the US strategic interest vis a vis Gulf, are far more crucial to it then romantic notions of third world democracy. Well informed sources in Islamabad say that on a number of occasions in the past, Washington had told the army that any attempt to brush aside democracy would be met with a stiff reaction, including a cut off in aid – particularly now that the Soviets had vacated Afghanistan. Given Pakistan’s tension with India, the defence establishment was hardly likely to jeopardize relations with its key hardware supplier.

However, with Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait and the threat of an onward march into Saudi Arabia, the US apparently needed the support of the Pakistan Army. In fact, US Ambassador Robert Oakley told a meeting at the Institute of Strategic Studies in Islamabad, just two days after Benazir’s ouster, that Saudi Arabia had requested troops from Pakistan. Although the once again retained Foreign Minister Sahibzada Yaqub Khan, as well as an army spokesman, denied having received any such request, the US envoy has neither retracted nor clarified his earlier statement.

Although there has been no report yet of Pakistani troops being sent to Saudi Arabia, eyewitnesses say that they recently saw at least a couple of giant US Air force transport (C-141) aircraft taking off from a Pakistan Air Force Base. To further confirm American acquiescence in recent events in Pakistan, there was highly significant meeting between the three services chiefs, Bob Oakley and the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee Chairman of the latter’s headquarters in Chaklala, Rawalpindi. This meeting took place on the weekend preceding the dissolution of the assemblies. In it, sources say, the issue was discussed threadbare, after which admiral Sirohey quietly left for Multan on a routine inspection tour.

The State Department’s quick reaction is hardly attributable to any efficiency at Foggy Bottom. It is clear that prior information was available to them – the denial to the contrary of a USIS official in Islamabad notwithstanding. One thing, however, is clear. The haze of disinformation is still as thick as any fog. But keeping in view the well-oiled machinery that the army has at its disposal, its main political rival, the PPP appears to have been knocked out and has little chance of staging a quick or easy comeback. But whether the army comes out in the open or prefers operate through remote control, only the course of events in the next few months will tell. [Courtesy Monthly Herald Pakistan January 2008, page 87-88-89]

The Empire Strikes Back by Abbas Nasir [Monthly Herald January 2008]

August 6, 1655 hours… a group of army officers-whose men have already thrown a ring around the Prime Minister’s Secretariat – enter the multistory white building and advise all the staff to leave and not to return until further orders…

A similar scene is being enacted at most other key buildings and installations in Islamabad as battle ready troops jump out of their gun-mounted trucks to surround the radio and television stations, the Directorate of Intelligence Bureau, the Federal Investigation Agency, important ministries and, of course, the erstwhile Sindh House – the official residence of the Prime Minister of Pakistan.

Jawans and officers of the FF Regiment, and contingents from a battalion of the Special Services Group take up positions near the parliament building as the president prepares to address a press conference that has just been announced. The high-profile army presence in the Federal Capital leaves a little doubt in any mind that President Ghulam Ishaq Khan’s announcement has the solid backing of the country’s powerful defence forces..

By this time, everybody in Islamabad, with the exception, perhaps, of the Pakistan’s People’s Party government has a fair idea of what is happening. The turbulent 20-month honeymoon between PPP and the establishment is all but over. A little after five, the President administers the last rites at a press conference at the Aiwan-e-Sadr. The Empire – which allowed the PPP to take office following polls in November 1988 – has finally decided to strike back.

After reading from a lengthy charge sheet, President Ishaq quotes a number of constitutional clauses and then announces the dissolution of the national assembly and the dismissal of Benazir Bhutto’s government. Unlike the speech of the late General Ziaul Haq on May 29 1988 – in which he announced the dismissal of Junejo’s Government – Ishaq steps doesn’t surprise anyone. The action comes on the heels of a multitude of corruption scandals, the government’s abject failure in arresting the Sindh situation, reports of serious differences with the army, as well as acrimonious confrontation between the Centre and the Provinces of Punjab and Balochistan.

Shortly afterwards, the nominated Caretaker Prime Minister Ghulam Mustaf Jatoi takes oath of office, fulfilling a long-standing ambition, and four ministers are sworn in simultaneously. There are two surprise inclusions in the cabinet – Rafi Raza, a man known in the past primarily as an aide to Zoulfikar Ali Bhutto, and for his strong US Connections. Raza has returned following a long absence in the political wilderness. The second surprise is the inclusion of the controversial Ghulam Mustafa Khar, on whom the establishment is reported to have a stack of files as high as the Margalla Hills.

The two other ministers – Illahi Bux Soomro, who was a minister in the Martial Law period but was pushed out into the cold after having lost in the 1988 elections, Senator Sartaj Aziz, also a minister in the Zia period – are both known Zia loyalists.

Meanwhile, the Chief of Army Staff, General Mirza Aslam Beg, comes out with the quote of the moment when mobbed by journalists following the oath taking ceremony. “We are not involved in politics. We have never been involved in politics. We will never be involved in politics.”

Within a matter of hours, Sindh Governor Fakhruddin G. Ebrahim refuses Ishaq’s request to dissolve the provincial assembly and is replaced by Mahmoud A. Haroon , former interior minister in General Zia’s Martial Law government, who then signs the dissolution order. Jam Sadiq Ali, until days earlier a staunch Benazir Bhutto supporter, is sworn in as caretaker chief minister of the troubled province.

Frontier Governor, Amir Gulistan Janjua, meanwhile sends the Sherpao government and the legislature packing, and Mir Afzal Khan, an industrial tycoon and a former Z.A. Bhutto government minister, takes over as the caretaker chief executive.

For the opposition-led provincial governments, a more dignified and, perhaps cosmetic exit if facilitated. In the Punjab, Mian Nawaz Sharif is not sacked and give time to advise dissolution to the new governor, Mian Muhammad Azhar, the Lahore mayor and a close relative of the Punjab strongman himself, who replaces General (Retired) Tikka Khan. Meanwhile a close associate of Nawaz Sharif, Ghulam Haider Wyne, takes oath of office as caretaker Chief Minister of the most populous province of the country. Mir Humayun Khan Marri, the son-in-law of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti replaces him as Chief Minister after the latter sends advice to the Governor, General (Retired) Muhammad Musa, to dissolve the Balochistan assembly.

Meanwhile, in the Federal Capital itself, correspondents who rush to file their dispatches, find all telex, fax and international dialing lines out of order. The lines are not restored till 2230 hours. In effect, Islamabad is cut off from the rest of the world until the new order is safely put into place. Benazir Bhutto gives her reaction at a press conference at 1930 hours. She says she has been ousted in a “Constitutional Coup”, but informs journalist that President Ishaq’s hand was forced. Asked who forced the president to dismiss her government, she responds, “I leave that to your imagination.” After the press conference, a PTV crew that has covered the vent, hands over the video to an army officer at the gate of Sindh House.

Inside Sindh House itself, the STD lines are cut off and restored about seven times and the T&T authorities inform an aide to Ms. Bhutto that they are only following orders. As the just-ousted Prime Minister sits down to dinner, some party people, mainly former ministers, drop in. She picks up the phone, tells her ADC to send in more food, then laughs at his response and puts the phone down. Benazir Bhutto turns round and apologizes to her guests for not being able to lay out a proper dinner for them. The kitchen staff – as well as the crockery – have been summoned out of Sindh House. Even the next day, lunch is eaten out of boxes ordered from a caterer.

While the troops clear out of Sindh House and the TV and Radio Stations the next morning, the PM Secretariat, as well as the DIB and FIA offices are visited by a steady stream of army men – some in plainclothes – for several more days. Hundreds of files are taken away from the premises, no doubt to reappear as a damning indictment of the fallen government. Meanwhile, Major (Retd.) Masud Sharif, the Joint Director of the IB, and later, six of his staffers, are reportedly arrested and taken to an unknown destination for interrogation.

Two days after his nomination as Caretaker Prime Minister, Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi addresses a press conference and lays a great deal of emphasis on the accountability of the previous government. The forthcoming elections, that are barely 77 days away, are played down somewhat, fuelling much speculation and reviving bitter memories of the past. The same day, in Karachi, Benazir Bhutto finally explodes at a press conference and charges that the Military Intelligence (MI) was responsible for her ouster. She goes to the extent of alleging that the draft of the President’s speech was prepared by the JAG (Judge Advocate General) branch of the Pakistan Army at the GHQ.

Either naively, or reflecting her own political compulsions, she absolves the Chief of Army Staff and the Corps Commanders of any blame, thus distancing them from the MI and JAG Branch, and perhaps leaving the door ajar for any future compromises.

Those in control now also seem to be in a hurry to acquire more and more bargaining chips. Significantly half a dozen persons reputed to be very close to Asif Zardari, are picked up in pre-dawn raids. As their interrogation begins, there are reports of deals and offer of immunity from prosecution. Events take a mysterious turn, as Begum Nusrat Bhutto leaves the country in a departure that is still unexplained. In the wake of the ouster of Benazir, numerous theories are being floated in the Federal Capital, with conspiracy theorists in hot demand. From deals between the PPP and the army, culminating in the exit of the Bhuttos from the Pakistani political scene, to a grand design by the army to completely discredit civilian politicians through appointments like those of caretaker set-up – all kinds of scenarios are being discussed and debated in Islamabad. Democracy in Pakistan, it is clear, has entered a critical new phase.

“UNQUOTE”

2 APRIL 2009 21:18
Aamir Mughal said…
Anti-Democratic Group within the Establishment destroyed the Civil Society in Pakistan – 1

General Retd. Mirza Aslam Beg has become A Knight in The Shining Armour for Civil Society, Democracy, Restoration of Independent Judiciary and even Athenian democracy (sometimes called Direct democracy) developed in the Greek city-state of Athens in Pakistan but look at his Dirty Past. Nowadays Private TV Channles have no shame they again and again call these three Rogues Aslam Beg, Asad Durrani, and Hamid Gul on their TV Channels and ask them to suggest measures to solve Pakistan’s Problem. These so-called TV Anchors are least bothered to even learn that these three are themselves a problem not solution.

Shujaat says Beg offered him massive funds

DAWN/The News International, KARACHI 23 April 2003, Wednesday, 20 Safar 1424

http://www.karachipage.com/

http://karachipage.com/news/Apr_03/042303.html

ISLAMABAD: Leading politician Ch Shujaat Hussain has reopened the controversy over Army’s role in politics by admitting that he and his cousin Ch Pervez Elahi were offered millions of rupees by the then Army chief General Mirza Aslam Beg in 1991 for political purposes from Mehran Bank accounts. Mehran Bank scandal had cost Rs 9.92 billion to the national exchequer. Ch Shujaat is the first politician to openly confirm that he was offered massive money for political purposes by a sitting Army chief in 1991 for political purposes.

Shujaat in an exclusive interview with The News revealed many secret tales of his political life that started in 1981 after the murder of his father Ch Zahoor Elahi. The News will carry on Thursday an exclusive profile of Ch Shujaat Hussain with the title of “The new political godfather reveals all” in which Ch Shujaat Hussain spoke on sensitive and secret issues such as development of his political links with General Zia, hanging of Bhutto, Nawaz Sharif’s period in power, his differences with Nawaz Sharif, his jail period in Adalaya, and emergence of differences between Nawaz Sharif and General Musharraf over the Kargil crisis, role of Mian Sharif in Pakistan politics, formation of Kings’ party (PML-Q), former NAB Chairman General Amjad’s refusal to meet him despite General Musharraf’s request, and his pro-military role during the three-year tenure of General Pervez Musharraf.

Ch Shujaat Hussain revealed that one day he received a message from the then Army chief Mirza Aslam Beg that he wanted him to come to his Army House residence in Rawalpindi around 4 pm. He was asked to accompany his cousin Ch Pervez Elahi. According to Shujaat, when they reached the residence of the then army chief, Beg was wearing sleeveless shirt and looked very relaxed. Beg, Shujaat said, told them about his plan to give them massive funds for election campaign from the platform of the IJI.

Ch Shujaat said he was surprised as the Army chief made the offer without any formality or reluctance. According to Ch Shujaat’s observation, General Beg was not expecting reply in negative from them because whoever earlier met him at the Army House could not dare to decline his lucrative offers. Shujaat said Mirza Aslam Beg told them that instead of opening the bank accounts with their own names, they should hire a front man and account would be opened in his name in a bank in Karachi.

Beg further explained that on his orders the money would continue to be transferred in the bank account and they would consume those funds on the campaign of religio-political alliance to win elections against the PPP. However, Hussain said, he politely declined the offer that greatly surprised Mirza Aslam Beg. Shujaat said he told the then army chief that he had never done such dirty politics by taking money from illegal channels specially from military generals.

Shujaat said he explained to the surprised general that usually he used to give funds to his own political lieutenants and party men to contest elections from his party platform. He said he also told the general that many MNAs and MPAs used to get money from him to meet expenses of their election campaigns. He said he told General Beg that he would not take a single penny from him. Shujaat said when Beg found him firm in refusing his offer, he looked annoyed and tried to press him into accepting his offer. Gen Beg, according to Shujaat, told them that then they should prepare a list of contesting MNAs and MPAs who could be ready to take funds from him to
contest elections against the PPP.

Chaudhry admitted that keeping General Beg’s military might in view and fearing that he would get more aggressive against them if they resisted his offer, he told the general that he would soon come back to him with the list of contesting politicians who would be ready to take funds. But, Shujaat said, he never went back to General Beg with the list because he did not believe in such politics. The Mehran Bank scandal rocked the country when the Supreme Court started proceedings on Asghar Khan’s application.

Later Naseerullah Khan Babar submitted papers in the Supreme Court in which the names of the beneficiaries of funds were given. The list contained names of all those who received funds from Mehran Bank through General Beg. Asghar Khan in his application sought proceedings against the General Beg and former ISI DG Asad Durrani for distributing funds among politicians. They were accused of distributing Rs 140 million among different politicians.

Following were alleged to be the beneficiaries:

Nawaz Sharif, former Prime Minister,

Farooq Leghari, former president,

Jam Sadiq, former Sindh Chief Minister,

Altaf Hussain, MQM Chief,

Yousaf Memon, advocate, for disbursement to MNA Javed Hashmi and others,

Liaquat Jatoi, former Chief Minister Sindh,

Afaq Ahmad of MQM, Imtiaz Sheikh, Advisor to former Chief Minister of Sindh,

Afzal Khan, ex-Federal Minister,

Jam Mashooq,

Dost Mohammad Faizi, and

Adnan son of Sartaj Aziz.

http://karachipage.com/news/Apr_03/042303.html

DAWN/The News International, KARACHI 23 April 2003, Wednesday, 20 Safar 1424

2 APRIL 2009 21:22
Aamir Mughal said…
Anti-Democratic Group within the Establishment destroyed the Civil Society in Pakistan – 2

After all these years the hollow and shallow Ex Servicemen Society and gentlemen mentioned below have damaged Pakistan beyond repair these damages cannot be undone only through apology. They should be tried for treason under Artcile 6 of 1973 Constitution and that is the only remedy. Have you noticed the height of arrogance and emptiness in our Praetorian Guards. Even after so much damage they are arrogant to the core.

Read about the filthy character of Air Marshal [R] Asghar Khan who is now sitting with EX COAS General Mirza Aslam Beg in the light of Article 6 of 1973 Constitution. Height of hypocrisy.

Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan

PART I

6. (1) Any person who abrogates or attempts or conspires to abrogate, subverts or attempts or conspires to subvert the Constitution by use of force or show of force or by other unconstitutional means shall be guilty of high treason.

(2) Any person aiding or abetting the acts mentioned in clause (1) shall likewise be guilty of high treason.

(3) [Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament)] shall by law provide for the punishment of persons found guilty of high treason.
Editorial:

What the generals must apologise for

Friday, February 01, 2008

http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2008/02/01/story_1-2-2008_pg3_1

The group of retired Pakistani generals and military officers who have asked General (Retd) Pervez Musharraf to resign as president of Pakistan have now reportedly decided to “apologise” to the nation “for imposing martial laws in the past, abrogating the Constitution several times, and not letting democracy flourish in the last 60 years”. The first “apology” session was to have taken place Thursday to which the retired brass had invited President Musharraf himself.

There is a newspaper report that the “letter” to President Musharraf by the retired generals was mishandled because the group, led by General (Retd) Faiz Ali Chishti, could not organise its composition properly and had allowed names to be named without first getting permission from those named. However, the first speaker is said to be General (Retd) Abdul Majid Malik, “who was a major in 1956 when he drafted a resignation which General Ayub Khan forced President Iskandar Mirza to sign”. He will presumably also apologise for siding with General Musharraf when he took over the government of the country in 1999 and split his party, the PML.

He will be followed by General (Retd) Mirza Aslam Beg, a former army chief, “whose political ambitions had forced the then president Ghulam Ishaq Khan to nominate Gen Asif Nawaz as the new Army chief three months prior to Gen Beg’s retirement”. The newspaper report says: “His role in the famous Mehran Bank scandal and misuse of ISI funds for electoral/political manipulation is still fresh in public memory”. The report adds: “His then DG ISI, General (Retd) Asad Durrani, who had distributed Rs 140 million to win over the “for-sale” politicians never felt ashamed of his role or offered an apology”.

One has to add that the retired generals have more to answer for than what has been designated in the announcement. Most of them will get a free ride condemning what they have not done directly and will succeed in targeting President Musharraf as a political gimmick unless they also do some more navel-gazing and confess to professional and moral crimes which they committed when they were in service, including acquisition of properties and mismanagement of military operations.

General (Retd) Aslam Beg will have to also apologise for bringing the Supreme Court in contempt when he admitted that he had influenced the chief justice. When confronted with challenging a general, the Supreme Court under Justice Zullah forgivably got cold feet and let Gen Beg go scot free. (We saw what happened to the Supreme Court in November 2007 when it tried to stand up to a general.) General Beg must also apologise for warning the then Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto off a large area of internal and external policy in 1988. He has also got to apologise to the then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif for violating an agreed foreign policy decision to send Pakistani troops to Saudi Arabia when Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait in 1990, and for trying to negotiate a nuclear deal with Iran without consulting Mr Sharif.

We must insist that General (Retd) Musharraf apologise for the Kargil Operation which was more an example of professional incompetence than defiance of the Nawaz Sharif government whom he accuses of having agreed to the operation. He must apologise for undermining the visit of the Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee when Mr Sharif was prime minister. But at the same time we must insist that General (Retd) Hameed Gul should apologise for planning the disastrous Jalalabad operation in 1989 as a prelude to the ISI setting up a government of the mujahideen. He has been boasting of having organised the IJI against the PPP. He must apologise first to the PPP for having done the sordid deed; after that, he must apologise for lack of wits because the IJI could not maintain its two-thirds majority for long.

General (Retd) Faiz Ali Chishti, who heads the Pakistan Ex-Servicemen Society, which last week issued a blunt open letter signed by more than 100 senior officers, calling on President Musharraf to quit, has to apologise, not only for being a willing and core partner in the military coup of General Zia-ul Haq in 1977 but of the thoughtless things he has since been saying on TV. By the same token, many senior officers have to confess to having less brains than needed for commanding an army. It is only after confessing to all the personality and intellectual defects of the generals that the Ex-Servicemen Society will be seen as justified in trying to get President Musharraf to step down. General (Retd) Chishti not long ago came on TV to explain why the army did not educate the nation. His answer was: if the roof is leaking why put good furniture in the room?

The biggest crime to which many retired generals must confess, and then apologise for, is the policy of seeking “strategic depth” in Afghanistan because the consequences of this policy are now threatening to actually spell the end of Pakistan itself. In fact, some of these retired generals are too tainted for mouthing principles that the civil society of Pakistan has decided to uphold. They should keep zip up unless they are ready to give up what they have enjoyed over the years and are still enjoying at the cost of the nation. *

2 APRIL 2009 21:28
Aamir Mughal said…
Anti-Democratic Group within the Establishment destroyed the Civil Society in Pakistan – 3
====

Retired generals refuse to apologise,but want Musharraf to go By Umar Cheema

Friday, February 01, 2008, Muharam 22, 1429 A.H.

http://thenews.jang.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=12650

ISLAMABAD: Several hundred retired armed forces men on Thursday urged their colleague, General (retd) Pervez Musharraf, to hand over power to the deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry and join their ranks but most of their leaders refused to apologise for their past roles against democracy.

Led by some high-profile generals, air marshals and admirals, these ex-servicemen also demanded that retired Justice Bhagwandas be appointed as the Chief Election Commissioner and the detained nuclear scientist, Dr AQ Khan, be either released or tried in a court.

Except for retired Lt-Gen Hamid Gul, none of the leaders showed moral courage by making an admission of guilt or apologising to the nation for their past. They did not even feel any embarrassment on their roles when asked by newsmen at a press conference.

The former DG of ISI, Lt-Gen (retd) Hamid Gul, not only admitted the wrongdoings he had committed as a spy chief, he also submitted an apology to the nation and said he was ready for any punishment, even to be hanged.

“I am ready for a trial or even hanging,” Gul told the gathering of ex-servicemen in open door proceedings. His words, however, failed to move the other architects and supporters of martial law who were sitting on the stage. They included retired Lt-Gen Faiz Ali Chishti, Gen Mirza Aslam Beg, Air Marshal Asghar Khan, Lt-Gen Majid Malik and Lt-Gen Asad Durrani. They showed no remorse for their past conduct.

Air Marshal Asghar Khan, who awas presiding over the meeting, was annoyed when he was asked about his past role and whether he was ready to apologise. “These were individual acts of different individuals,” he responded.

He did not respond when a journalist questioned their moral authority to preach others when they did not feel embarrassed on the wrongdoings of their past. The convener of Thursday’s meeting, Brig (retd) Mehmood, who had said only a day earlier that he would offer an apology on behalf of all the ex-servicemen, remained seated on the stage with his head down, as if trying to avoid the media and had no courage to act on his words.

Although, the retired servicemen expressed solidarity with lawyers and journalists community, vowing to participate in their rallies, they gave no timeframe for launching a movement against Musharraf on their own. They instead said nothing had been decided as yet.

They even conceded that they might not do anything concrete in future. Asghar Khan said many of them had their near and dear ones in the government, a major hurdle in their way to call the spade a spade. Asghar Khan’s own brother, Farooq Rehmatullah, is the DG Civil Aviation Authority (CAA).

A demand raised by a retired navy commodore, Shahid Nawaz, also went unheeded. He had asked for en masse resignations of all ex-servicemen presently working in government departments. “If this strategy is not feasible, then out-of-job ex-servicemen should surrender all medals, awards and pension books to protest against Musharraf’s stay in power,” he demanded, but this demand also went unheard by the retired generals.

The Thursday’s meeting virtually turned into a comedy programme as it was marred by indiscipline largely by ex-servicemen, who would pick up quarrel with journalists when questions regarding their own accountability were put to the Chair Asghar Khan.

However, they did at least one job by hooting down a proposal that Lt-Gen (retd) Abdul Majeed Malik should be included in the committee that was to make a list of demands of Thursday’s meeting during the lunch break.

Air Marshal Asghar Khan, who was chairing the meeting, told a press briefing that ex-servicemen demanded stepping down of President Musharraf and that power should be handed over to the deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry to hold elections under a neutral caretaker set-up.

Khan also demanded the re-constitution of the Election Commission of Pakistan with Justice Bhagwandas as its chief. Khan said the ex-servicemen would extend full support to the protest rallies staged by journalists and lawyers. The meeting demanded that disgraced hero, Dr AQ Khan, should be either released or tried in a court of law, instead of being kept under illegal detention.

Khan, however, remained uncomfortable while facing critical journalists with his colleagues sitting in the hall, yelling ‘planted question’ whenever a query about their accountability was put to him.

In most cases, he said: “We have not decided yet”. He refused to take questions on self-accountability and was pressed time and again that he himself was among the strong supporters of General Zia’s martial law and the person sitting next to him, Lt-Gen (retd) Faiz Ali Chishti, was Commander 10 Corps when Zia had taken over and later collaborated with him in all his acts.

Questioners also mentioned Gen (retd) Beg under whose stint as Army chief the Mehran Bank scandal took place and the then president had nominated his successor three months before Beg’s retirement as a pre-emptive measure keeping in view his political ambitions.

But neither Asghar Khan showed the grace to admit any wrongdoing nor did Chishti and Beg. Speaking on his own behalf and the two others, Khan said: “Whatever happened in the past has happened. There were individuals involved, not all ex-servicemen.”

Lt-Gen. (retd) Abdul Majid Malik, who spoke earlier, said many blunders were committed in the past but regretted that only the blunders committed by the Army had been exploited. Malik left the venue before the press conference when the majority of those present said ‘no’ to the proposal of nominating him as a committee member for furnishing the list of demands.

2 APRIL 2009 21:29
Aamir Mughal said…
Anti-Democratic Group within the Establishment destroyed the Civil Society in Pakistan – 4
===

These gentlemen have damaged Pakistan beyond repair and these damages cannot be undone only through apology. They should be tried for treason under Artcile 6 of 1973 Constitution and that is the only remedy. Have you noticed the height of arrogance and emptiness in our Praetorian Guards. Evene after so much damage they are arrogant to the core. Curse be upon all of them.

Read about the filthy character of Air [R] Marshal Asghar Khan who is now sitting with EX COAS General Mirza Aslam beg. Height of hypocrisy.

Months before the darkest period in Pakistan’s History [Martial Law of General Ziaul Haq 1977-1988] this so-called born again Democrat and Socio-Political Activist Air Marshall Retd. Asghar Khan wrote a letter to the chiefs of staff and the officers of the defence forces, asking them to renounce their support for the “illegal (Z A Bhutto’s) regime” and asked to “differentiate between a ‘lawful’ and an ‘unlawful’ command…and save Pakistan.” This letter is considered by many democrats and political writers as instrumental in encouraging the advent of the Zia regime. All the members of the ‘Ex Servicemen Society’ have served during the previous martial law periods and some members are believed to be instrumental in toppling the elected governments. The head of the Society, Air Marsal Asghar Khan, was the author of a letter to the then chief of army staff, General Zia Ul Haq in 1977 demanding that he take over the government of the elected Prime Minister, Mr. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, and hang him at the hills of Islamabad, the capital of Pakistan. His demand was fulfilled when Zia Ul Haq imposed martial law in 1977.

Hypocrisy of Asgher Khan and Mirza Aslam Beg [sitting together in 2008 in Islamabad]

Read

But the main thrust of his column was the human rights petition filed by him in the Supreme Court (HRC 19/96) against the retired COAS General Mirza Mohammad Aslam Beg, the former ISI chief retired Lt General Asad Durrani and Younis Habib of Habib and Mehran Banks, relating to the disbursement of public money and its misuse for political purposes, which is still pending hearing by the court. The case was initiated by the air marshal after Benazir Bhutto’s interior minister, another retired general, Naseerullah Babar, had disclosed in the National Assembly in 1994 how the ISI had disbursed funds to purchase the loyalty of politicians and public figures so as to manipulate the 1990 elections, form the IJI, and bring about the defeat of the PPP.

We never learn from history By Ardeshir Cowasjee

http://www.dawn.com/weekly/cowas/20020721.htm

Nothing new. On April 25, 1994, this newspaper carried an editorial entitled ‘Our secret godfathers’, which opened up: “Two basic points emerge from General Aslam Beg’s admission that in 1990 he took Rs 14 crores from the banker Younus Habib and that part of this money was spent by the ISI during the elections that year . . . . . “. And closed, saying “. . . it is time now for some sort of check on the rogue political activities of our intelligence agencies . . .”. It was not time, and apparently it is still not time.

In 1996, Air Marshal Asghar Khan filed a human rights petition in the Supreme Court against General Mirza Aslam Beg, former chief of army staff, Lt General Asad Durrani, former chief of the Inter-Services Intelligence, and Younus Habib of Habib Bank and then Mehran Bank, concerning the criminal distribution of the people’s money for political purposes (HRC 19/96). In this case, Lt General Naseerullah Babar filed an affidavit in court supported by copies of various documents and a photocopy of a letter dated June 7, 1994, addressed by Durrani to the then prime minister, Benazir Bhutto, who, during her second term in office, appointed him as her ambassador to Germany, which reads:

The “host of other political figures who received funds” from an ISI account were revealed in the Supreme Court when Air Marshal Asghar Khan’s petition was being heard. Inter alia, Nawaz Sharif received (in rupees) 3.5 million, Lt General Rafaqat [GIK’s election cell] 5.6 million, Mir Afzal 10 million, Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi 5 million, Jam Sadiq Ali 5 million, Mohammed Khan Junejo 2.5 million, Pir Pagaro 2 million, Abdul Hafeez Pirzada 3 million, Yusuf Haroon 5 million [he confirms having received this for Altaf Hussain of the MQM], Muzaffar Hussain Shah 0.3 million, Abida Hussain 1 million, Humayun Marri 5.4 million. During the hearing of the case, Aslam Beg, under oath, revealed the existence of a political cell within the ISI, whilst clarifying that though he was aware of the distribution of funds he was never personally involved.

We never learn from history – 2 By Ardeshir Cowasjee

http://www.dawn.com/weekly/cowas/20020804.htm

This Ex Servicemen Society and their head honchos are demanding the restoration of Judiciary. The head honcho the Former Chief of the Army Staff of Pakistan General Mirza Aslam Beg was least bothered about the Law, Constitution, Rule of Law and Independent Judiciary.

Introduction of EX COAS General Mirza Aslam Beg:
“QUOTE”

Military Rule

‘Military justice is to justice what military music is to music’. Groucho Marx

In 1988 Zia dismissed Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo’s government. Zia died in a mysterious aero plane crash in August 1988. Members of the dissolved assembly challenged the decision. High courts and Supreme Court dismissed several of those petitions. In one case, Federation of Pakistan vs. Saifullah Khan, Supreme Court ruled that General Zia’s decision was unconstitutional but refused to restore the National Assembly. The reason for court’s refusal of restoration of assembly came to light three years later. Former Army Chief General Mirza Aslam Beg in an interview on February 04, 1993 admitted that he had sent an emissary, then senate chairman Wasim Sajjad to the Supreme Court to warn the justices not to restore the national assembly. Two weeks later, Supreme Court charged General Beg with contempt of court. Beg met with army Chief Abdul Waheed Kakar and later appeared defiantly in the court and many witnesses ridiculed the judges. Supreme Court could not handle the fallout from its confrontation with even a retired army chief. Court finally convicted him of contempt but strangely did not give any judgment about the sentence. The same court even overturned its own decision after an appeal was filed. After a year of half hearted measures, on January 09, 1994 the court dropped all proceedings gainst general Beg.

“UNQUOTE”

Judicial Jitters in Pakistan – A Historical Overview by Dr. Hamid Hussain May 18, 2007 Defence Journal, June 2007

http://www.pal-c.org/JudicialJittersinPakistan.html

http://www.pal-c.org/JudicialJittersinPakistan2.html

Even more excellent achivements of Mirza Aslam Beg.

human rights petition filed by him in the Supreme Court (HRC 19/96) against the retired COAS General Mirza Mohammad Aslam Beg, the former ISI chief retired Lt General Asad Durrani and Younis Habib of Habib and Mehran Banks, relating to the disbursement of public money and its misuse for political purposes, which is still pending hearing by the court. The case was initiated by the air marshal after Benazir Bhutto’s interior minister, another retired general, Naseerullah Babar, had disclosed in the National Assembly in 1994 how the ISI had disbursed funds to purchase the loyalty of politicians and public figures so as to manipulate the 1990 elections, form the IJI, and bring about the defeat of the PPP.

The “host of other political figures who received funds” from an ISI account were revealed in the Supreme Court when Air Marshal Asghar Khan’s petition was being heard. Inter alia, Nawaz Sharif received (in rupees) 3.5 million, Lt General Rafaqat [GIK’s election cell] 5.6 million, Mir Afzal 10 million, Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi 5 million, Jam Sadiq Ali 5 million, Mohammed Khan Junejo 2.5 million, Pir Pagaro 2 million, Abdul Hafeez Pirzada 3 million, Yusuf Haroon 5 million [he confirms having received this for Altaf Hussain of the MQM], Muzaffar Hussain Shah 0.3 million, Abida Hussain 1 million, Humayun Marri 5.4 million. During the hearing of the case, Aslam Beg, under oath, revealed the existence of a political cell within the ISI, whilst clarifying that though he was aware of the distribution of funds he was never personally involved.

These documents and many others, filed in the Supreme Court, are a matter of public record. In this regard, reference should be made to paragraph 111, ‘Corruption’ , of the judgment of the Supreme Court of Pakistan on the Proclamation of Emergency dated 14th, October, 1999 (approved for reporting), delivered by Chief Justice Irshad Hassan Khan and his eleven Brothers, sanctifying General Pervez Musharraf’s takeover. It is a list presented by Attorney-General Aziz Munshi listing cases of corruption, some dating back to 1990, the lists of ISI payments, Babar’s and Durrani’s affidavits being amongst them.

We never learn from history By Ardeshir Cowasjee

21 July 2002 Sunday 10 Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1423

http://www.dawn.com/weekly/cowas/20020721.htm

We never learn from history-2 By Ardeshir Cowasjee

04 August 2002 Sunday 24 Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1423

http://www.dawn.com/weekly/cowas/20020804.htm

2 APRIL 2009 21:32
Aamir Mughal said…
Anti-Democratic Group within the Establishment destroyed the Civil Society in Pakistan – 5
===============

Musharraf hits out at retired generals By James Blitz, Gideon Rachman and Martin Dickson in Davos Published: January 24 2008 05:58 Last updated: January 24 2008 05:58

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/15118d2c-ca36-11dc-b5dc-000077b07658.html?nclick_check=1

Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan on Wednesday night angrily hit out at the retired generals who this week said that they no longer had confidence in him, remarks that fueled western speculation that the president is losing the support of the army. “They are insignificant personalities,” the president told the Financial Times in an interview on his arrival at the Davos World Economic Forum. “Most of them are ones who served under me and I kicked them out … They are insignificant. I am not even bothered by them.”
============================================

Even Musharraf is correct on this so-called Snow White Ex-Servicemen Society. One of the Filthy and Obnoxious character in this society and his filthy past is as under:

Lt General Retd. Faiz Ali Chishti who now has become Born Again Democrat and that too after 30 years after taking part in Late. Zoulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s Judicial Murder with the help of USA-General Zia-Henry Kissinger-and last but not the least the Jamat-e-Islami. He has no shame even in his old age while lecturing Pakistanis about democracy and fairplay.

Lt General Retd. Faiz Ali Chishti

Lets have a look at Chishti’s Dirty Past:

The historical photo to the right shows Zia-ul-Haq’s cabinet. People from the left are Mr Mustafa Gokal Minister for Ports and Shipping, Lt Gen Faiz Ali Chishti Minister for Establishment, Mr A K Brohi Minister for Law and Parliamentary Affairs and Mr Ghulam Ishaq Khan Minister for Finance and Economic Affairs.

Operation Fairplay of 1977 against Zoulfiqar Ali Bhutto:

A trusted Lt-General Faiz Ali Chishti (the one who carried out the “Operation Fair Play” the night of July 5, 1977).

“Murshid [God Father] do not get me killed !” (Zia Ul Haq speaking to Lt.Gen Faiz Ali Chishti upon the authorization of Operation Fairplay in which the Bhutto govt. would be overthrown quoted from Betrayals of Another Kind)

General Zia with American President Ronald Reagan

” What is a constitution? It is a booklet with twelve or ten pages. I can tear them away and say that tomorrow we shall live under a different system. Today, the people will folow wherever I lead .All the politicians including the once mighty Mr.Bhutto will follow me with tails wagging ” (Zia Ul Haq speaking to Iranian Newspaper in September 1977) [1]

“QUOTE”

Following negotiations between the PPP government [1972-1977] and PNA, both the parties reached to an agreement in the late hours of 4th July 1977. This was against the desire and wishes of army Chief General Zia who wanted to take over and impose martial law. “One day, when (Zulfikar Ali Bhutto) returned from the office, on the dinner, he looked agitated,” . “He said that General Sharif [Chairman of JCSC] had just come to meet him and had alerted him that General Zia ul Haq was up to no good, and might be planning some kind of coup.” When ZAB inquired from his ISI chief, he showed his ignorance and attributed the warning to his ill will towards General Zia; because General Sharif was not made the army chief.

But, the ISI chief was wrong. General Zia had fully prepared his plan for removal of the elected government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. The General had already sent his family out of the country. Lieutenant General Faiz Ali Chishti, the Corp Commander of 10th Corp, the area covering the federal capital later wrote in his book:

“When Gen. Zia ordered me to take over and execute the ‘Operation Fair-play,’ he may well have feared for the security of his family in the event of an abortive coup. In any event, Gen. Zia’s family was not in Pakistan on July 4/5. He had shifted his family to UK during negotiations, under the plea of his daughter’s operation. Two sons and three daughters along with his wife were all abroad.”

Not only this, the General had also prepared very well to flee from the country, in case of any such eventuality. General Chishti narrates an interesting tale: “On the night of the coup, my Corps Intelligence Chief told me that there was one ‘Puma’ helicopter ready to take off at short notice from Dhamial. It could have been for the PM or for Gen. Zia.

But it was unlikely to have been for the PM because he did not know what was happening, and secondly he would not leave his family behind. In any case he had nothing at stake. It could have been for Gen. Zia, because he had everything at stake. What would happen to him if Operation Fair-play had failed? I recollected his last sentence to me after giving orders. ‘Murshid, do not get me killed.’ So I ordered my Intelligence Chief to keep an eye on the helicopter and not let it take off. It did not matter who the passenger was going to be.”

The ambitious army chief had not taken into confidence most of his senior colleagues. The senior army command, unaware of such development, was called at an odd hour, 11.00 O’ clock in the night on 4th July for a meeting with the army chief at the General Headquarters. “When the invitees inquired about agenda for discussion, Brigadier Khalid Latif Butt, Personal Secretary to General Zia, had a stock reply: ‘No preparatory work is needed for the meeting,’ wrote General Zia’s most confidant colleague, his Chief of Staff, General KM Arif.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
A little after midnight, the army contingents took over the important installations including Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s official residence, where he was sleeping along with his family, unaware of any eventuality. He did not resist the coup and saved his family and him from perhaps immediate execution as had happened in breakaway Bangladesh few years back.

“UNQUOTE”

References:

PAKISTAN – A DREAM GONE SOUR Roedad Khan Oxford University Press 1997

Group Captain (Retd) ATHAR HASSAN ANSARI reviews the book written by ROEDAD KHAN, a consummate bureaucrat for being in the eye of the storm [1]

http://www.defencejournal.com/dec98/pakdream.htm

Even more Filthy Characters in above mentioned Pakistan Ex-Servicemen Society:

Former Chief of the Army Staff General Aslam Beg

Former President of Pakistan Ghulam Ishaq Khan

Roedad Khan Former Federal Secretary for Interior – Government of Pakistan

Former Chief of Pakistan’s ISI and MI Major General Retd. Asad Durrani

Former Chief of ISI and MI Lt. General Retd. Javed Ashraf Qazi

We never learn from history By Ardeshir Cowasjee 21 July 2002 Sunday 10 Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1423

http://www.dawn.com/weekly/cowas/20020721.htm

Nothing, with regard to the dubious activities of our so-called agencies has changed since 1994 and I now relate a story of those days. The ISI is, right now, at its old games, spending our money and ‘fixing’ our future, particularly in the province of Sindh where its interference and placements bode ill. In September of 1994 Kamran Khan of The News and The Washington Post came calling. He told me how earlier that year he had asked for an appointment with the then leader of the opposition, Nawaz Sharif, to interview him on his relationship with the army and the security services whilst he was prime minister. He was asked to go to Lahore and meet the Mian.

When on May 16 Kamran arrived at Nawaz’s Model Town house, there was an army of men equipped with bulldozers demolishing the security fences and structures Nawaz had built on adjoining land, not his to build upon (akin to those built around Karachi’s Bilawal House). The breakers had been on the job since dawn. Kamran found Nawaz angry but composed. He was amply plied and refreshed with ‘badaam-doodh’ and Nawaz, his information wizard Mushahid Hussain and he settled down to talk and continued to do so until late afternoon when Kamran left to fly back to Karachi.

Nawaz opened up by congratulating Kamran on his Mehrangate exposures which had recently appeared in the press, asking how the inquiry was progressing, and giving his own views. They exchanged information, each believing the other was being informed. They talked about how COAS Aslam Beg (sporter of shades in the shade) managed to get Rs 14 crore (140 million) from Yunis Habib, then of Habib Bank. This was deposited in the ‘Survey Section 202’ account of Military Intelligence (then headed by Major-General Javed Ashraf Kazi). From there Rs 6 crore was paid to President Ghulam Ishaq Khan’s election cellmates (General Rafaqat, Roedad Khan, Ijlal Hyder Zaidi, etc.), and Rs 8 crore transferred to the ISI account. After lunch, Nawaz brought up the subject of how Aslam Beg early in 1991 had sought a meeting with him (then prime minister) to which he brought Major-General Asad Durrani, chief of the ISI. They told him that funds for vital on-going covert operations (not identified by Nawaz) were drying up, how they had a foolproof plan to generate money by dealing in drugs. They asked for his permission to associate themselves with the drug trade, assuring him of full secrecy and no chance of any trail leading back to them.

Nawaz remarked that on hearing this he felt the roof had caved in on him. He told them he could have nothing to do with such a plan and refused to give his approval. The Washington Post had just broken Kamran’s story and when I asked why it had not broken earlier, he told me how they check and recheck, and that in the meantime, he had been busy with the Mehrangate affair on which, between May and August, he had filed seven stories. We must again ask: was Nawaz capable of saying what he did? Yes. Did Kamran invent the whole thing? Not likely. Is The Washington Post a responsible paper with credibility? Yes. Everybody who is anyone in Washington reads it over breakfast. Has it ever made mistakes? Yes.

for PHOTOS:

http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2008/11/calamity-of-ex-servicemen-society-1.html

2 APRIL 2009 21:36

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